Search Results

You are looking at 1 - 10 of 18,495 items :

Clear All

Andrei V. Sideltsev Hittite prosody Unstressed proclitic nu vs. stressed sequence nu + enclitics? Abstract: This paper deals with the prosody of the Hittite sentence connectives nu, šu, ta. It is argued that bare sentence connectives are unstressed, being procli- tics, whereas sentence connectives + enclitics are stressed. Some implications for diachronic and synchronic phonology of Hittite are also discussed. Keywords: Hittite, sentence connectives, prosody, stress, proclitics, enclitics 1 Introduction There has recently been a positive revival of interest in

With a New Foreword
The Role of Context, Function and Communication
With Special Reference to Iberian Languages

143 Prosody A panda walks into a cafe. He orders a sandwich, eats it, then draws a gun and fires two shots in the air. ‘Why?’ the confused waiter asks as the panda makes towards the exit. The panda produces an incorrectly punctuated wildlife manual and tosses it over his shoulder. ‘I’m a panda,’ he says at the door. ‘Look it up.’ The waiter turns to the relevant entry and, sure enough, finds an explanation: Panda. Large black-and-white bear-like mammal, native to China. Eats, shoots and leaves. Prosody is what makes this joke funny. Prosody, sometimes

DOI 10.1515/jall-2013-0001   JALL 2013; 34(1): 1 – 46 Ines Fiedler and Stefanie Jannedy Prosody of focus marking in Ewe Abstract: It has often been claimed that in tone languages such as Ewe, prosodic devices are not exploited in order to mark information-structural categories. The present study therefore investigates, on the basis of an experimental study, whether there is an impact of different focus structures (all-new utterances, in situ object focus, ex situ object focus and subject focus) on the prosodic realiza- tion of utterances in this language. The

Linguistics 2015; 53(3): 525 – 559 Richard Wiese* and Augustin Speyer Prosodic parallelism explaining morphophonological variation in German Abstract: Words in German show several instances of a seemingly optional schwa-zero alternation, both in relation with inflected forms as well as in the final position of stems and simplex words, as in des Tag(e)s ‘the day, gen. sg.’, or gern(e) ‘gladly’. The present paper proposes that the (non-)appearance of schwa is partially governed by a hitherto unknown prosodic parallelism: the schwa- containing form (a