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This article revisits Mark 5,1–20 from the perspective of trauma theory, in light of historical contexts of Gerasa’s collective trauma and the cultural contexts of ancient perceptions of demons and their exorcism. The interplay between individual and collective levels of the story sheds light on symbolic overtones of an unresolved trauma about Roman military presence in the country of the Gerasenes. The story represents this trauma through literary indirection, including not only the enigmatic relation between “Legion” and the drowning swine, but also the paradoxical contrasts between individual and collective requests to Jesus. Mark 5,1–20 evokes meanings not only as pre-Markan tradition, but also as Markan redaction which intersect in crucial ways with the prelude to Jerusalem’s destruction (68–70 C.E.).

häufig nicht, 2 Vgl. etwa D. Kennedy, The Identity of Roman Gerasa: An Archaeological Approach, MedArch 11, 1998, 39–69; zu Gadara T. M. Weber, Gadara – Umm Qēs I. Gadara Decapolitana. Untersuchungen zur Topographie, Ge- schichte, Architektur und Bildenden Kunst einer “Polis Hellenis” im Ost- jordanland (Wiesbaden 2002), insb. 25–56. Allgemein auch D. Kennedy, Gerasa and the Decapolis. A “Virtual Islans” in Northwest Jordan (Lon- don 2007) oder speziell zu Fragen der politischen Organisation S. Moors, De Decapolis. Steden en Dorpen in de

prominence throughout the first millennium, transforming Dark Age artificial lighting in northern Europe. But in the Mediterranean region, old-fashioned olive oil–burning clay lamps remained a fixture throughout the whole period. This almond-shaped lamp was made in Jerash (Roman Gerasa, today in Jordan) in the eighth century. It is small, only 11 centimeter (4.3 inches) long and 6.7 centimeter (2.5 inches) wide, so would fit snugly in the palm of your hand. Though the handle projects higher, the fuel reservoir is a mere 3.5 centime- ter (1.5 inches) high. The lamp

p h y 289 Keane, Webb. “On Spirit Writing: Materialities of Language and the Religious Work of Transduction.” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 19 (2013): 1–17. Kelley, Shawn. Racializing Jesus: Race, Ideology, and the Formation of Modern Biblical Scholarship. London: Routledge, 2002. Kennedy, David L. “Th e Identity of Roman Gerasa: An Archaeological Approach.” Mediterranean Archaeology 11 (1998): 39–69. Kister, Menahem. “‘First Adam’ and ‘Second Adam’ in 1 Cor 15:45–49 in the Light of Midrashic Exegesis and Hebrew Usage.” In Th e New Testament

): Bildlexikon zur Topographie Istanbuls. Tübingen. Östenberg, I. (2009): Staging the World: Spoils, Captives and Representations in the Roman Triumphal Procession. Oxford. Ousterhout, R. (2014): ‘The Life and Afterlife of Constantine’s Column’. JRA 27, 304–326. Parapetti, R. (1983–1984): Architecture and Urban Space in Roman Gerasa. Mesopotamia 18–19, 37–84. Peschlow, U. (1991): Betrachtungen zur Gotensäule in Istanbul. In: Tesserae. Festschrift für Josef Engemann. Münster, 215–229. Peschlow, U. (1977): Die Irenenkirche in Istanbul. Untersuchungen zur Architektur. Tübingen

not completely understood, but the parallel with Lyciarch, Asiarch, Cretarch, and so on suggests it was the presidency of a provincial diet. If this is so, and if Maro was a Gerasene, then we may see in this inscription evidence for ties between Gerasa and Phoenicia in the third century a.d.15 The ethnic makeup of Hellenistic Gerasa is not completely known. Nevertheless, the extant evidence for, among others, Macedonians, Greeks, Jews, and Nabataeans in Roman Gerasa may reflect the population of the Hellenistic city as well.16 The Nabataean pres- ence undoubtedly

always problematically translated as “Gentile”). 129. On the architecture of Gerasa, see David L. Kennedy, “Th e Identity of Roman Gerasa: An Archaeological Approach,” Mediterranean Archaeology 11 (1998): 39–69; for a critique of the thesis of a fundamental homogenization, see Fergus Millar, Th e Roman Near East: 31 BC–AD 337 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993). 130. Nathanael J. Andrade, “Ambiguity, Violence, and Community in the Cities of Judaea and Syria,” Historia 59 (2010): 342–370. 131. Josephus, Jewish Antiquities 2,458 and 480, bracketing the

, Artemis and Zeus Olympios in Roman Gerasa and Se- leucid Religious Policy, in: KAIZER 2008, 133–153. LICHTENBERGER (H) 2007: Hermann Lichtenberger, History-Writing and History-Telling in First and Sec- ond Maccabees, in: S. Barton u. a. (Hgg.), Memory in the Bible and Antiquity. The Fifth Durham- Tübingen Research Symposium (Durham, September 2004), Tübingen, 95–110. ‒ 2008: The Untold End: 2 Maccabees and Acts, in: HOUTMAN/DE JONG/MISSET-VAN DE WEG 2008, 385–401. LICHTENSTEIN 1931/2: Hans Lichtenstein, Die Fastenrolle. Eine Untersuchung zur jüdisch

Discovery of Europe (11982), New York u. a. 2001 Lewis, David Levering: God’s Crucible: Islam and the Making of Europe, 570–1215, New York/London 1990 Lewis, Mark Edward: Writing and Authority in Early China, Albany 1999 Lichtenberger, Achim: Artemis and Zeus Olympios in Roman Gerasa and Seleucid Religious Policy, in: The Variety of Local Religious Life in Near East in the Hellenistic and Roman Period, hg. v. T. Kaizer, Leiden/ Boston 2008, 133–153 Lichtenberger, Hermann: Synkretistische Züge in jüdischen und judenchristlichen Taufbewegungen, in: Jews and Christians

for the urban develop- ment of Roman Gerasa. American journal of archae- ology, 2015, 119, p. 483-500. 1003. MILNER (Nicholas P.). A new statue-base for Constantius II and the fourth-century imperial cult at Oinoanda. Anatolian studies, 2015, 65, p. 181-203. 1004. NAUMKIN (Vitaly), KOGAN (Leonid), CHER- KASHIN (Dmitry). Three etiological stories from Soqotra in their Near Eastern setting. Journal of Near Eastern studies, 2015, 74, p. 289-299. 1005. NICOLOSI (Serafina). I costumi carii delle don- ne di Mileto tra realtà storica, propaganda e leggenda

in 2015