f o u r
Living TransnationalLives, 1880s–1930s
When a man lives overseas, his wife weeps until her death.
—Folk song in Taishan, Guangdong, China
Immigration is often a family enterprise. Without a family, an immigrant
remains a sojourner, living a temporary existence; only with a family can
an immigrant become more committed to the host society. Through vari-
ous patterns of marriage and living arrangements, Chinese immigrants in
Chicago managed to have a family life or some substitute for it. The immi-
grant reality also led to changes
-nationals travelling in and among those spaces ( Blommaert 2017 ). Transnationals’ lives are rooted in the simultaneity of dispersed and interconnected relations and attachments which shape individuals’ visions of their present and future lives ( Fuentes 2014 ) . These relations and attachments mark migrants’ present-day lives; more importantly, they mark their future visions of what they want to do, where they want to live, and who they want to be. The cross-border activities, interactions, links, and future movements of transnational families can bear weight on family language
-class, non-white migrants from the developing world. Discursively, this creates a dichotomy wherein only the poor migrate and only the rich become expatriates. The full range of transnational experience is obscured by the presumptions that are latent in these terms ( Conradson and Latham 2005 ). In order to counteract this tendency, studies of transnationallives that do not fit the migrant/expatriate dichotomy are useful, because they “fill out the register of mobility” ( Rogers 2005 , 404). Indeed, one way to stretch our understanding of transnational family lives is to
recent years, particularly within heavily regulated and censored
media environments such as the People’s Republic of China (PRC).
This paper uses the spread of a ‘viral’ sex video among young Chinese-
speaking people who live transnationallives between Japan, China,
and Taiwan, to reflect upon the question of ‘viral’ media as it is con-
ceptualised more broadly. Their position both inside and outside Sino-
phone mediascapes affords a useful case study to think beyond purely
institutional discussions of Chinese media, and focus on the ways
media practices, affects
Serbian migrants living transnational lives consciously or unconsciously move between visibility and invisibility in their performance of migrant success stories. Cases in point are public festivals, performed to make visible migrants’ successful inclusion in Danish society, i.e. celebrating invisibility. Meanwhile, other celebrations are consciously relegated to the invisible confines of the Serbian homeland. This article analyses celebrations in Denmark and in Serbia and shows how visible displays of ethnicity and difference tend to turn into easily palatable heritage versions of Serbian culture when performed in a Danish context. In turn, the visibility acquired through celebrations of migrants’ belonging in their homeland is inclined to render invisible those who did not take part in the migration experience.