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and three bottles of wine . Mensural classifiers quantify the noun directly without the intervention of a preposition, e.g., san ping jiu (three mens bottle wine) ‘three bottles of wine’. Also, in genuine classifier languages that do have morphosyntactic plural markers, mensural classifiers do not take such plural marking, e.g., Hungarian ( Csirmaz and Dékány 2010 : 13) and Armenian ( Borer 2005 : 94–95). Note that in this paper we make a clear distinction between morphosyntactic and morphosemantic plural markers. Mensural classifiers and sortal classifiers

-Number-Marking Problem in (4) above. This answer will assume the form of the following five anaphor-number-mark- ing rules: (5) Cardinality Anaphor-Number-Marking Rule NPs of cardinality equal to 1 license singular anaphors; NPs of cardinality greater than 1 license plural anaphors. (6) Morphosyntactic Anaphor-Number-Marking Rule Morphosyntactically singular NPs may license singular anaphors; Morphosyntactically plural NPs may license plural anaphors. (7) Distributive Anaphor-Number-Marking Rule Distributive-key NPs may license singular anaphors; Distributive-share NPs may

. Why aren’t inclusives truly plural? Is that because they have no formal singular correlate? But no pluralia tantum have one, and still they are morphosyntactic plurals (and inclusives marked for plurality do not seem to be uncommon). Or probably because they do not refer to a homogeneous set of referents, as the regular nominal plural is? But that is not always the case with nouns, either — see e.g., (Corbett 2000) on various deviant plurals such as abundance plurals, or the increasing typological discussion of associative plurals (e.g., Moravcsik 2003), a

consideration. The material that will be tested below falls into eight categories. The first two involve single lexical items that diverge in their morphosyntactic and semantic properties. Category 1 comprises words that are morpholog- ically and syntactically singular but semantically plural, as in the couple - das Ehepaar.3 The opposite situation holds in category 2. The noun is morphosyntactically plural but semantically singular, as in pancakes - Pfannkuchen.4 In both English and German, it is possible to use these words in the singular. However, when they refer to a type

alternating nouns select mpl, rather than fpl, agreement. This is unexpected, under the hypothesis that -a plurals are just ‘plain’ (morphosyntactic) plurals: remember that each of those nouns requires feminine agreement in the plural. Similarly, (16b–c) show that agreement of distributive l’uno ‘each’ and reciprocal l’un l’altro ‘each other’ with plural NPs like le uova ‘the eggs’, le braccia ‘the arms’ is in the feminine singular, which is again unexpected, given an inflectional analysis of -a plurals.16 Acquaviva (2008: 148) argues that this is evidence that we

(Bresnan et al. 2001, 2007, Bresnan and Hay 2007, Wasow 2002). 2. The morphosyntax of plural marking in Yucatec Maya We first review the typology of plural marking proposed by Wiltschko (2008). This typolo- gy aims to predict where in nominal projections morphosyntactic plural marking can be realized. Then we introduce the basic properties of the Yucatec plural marking system (Bricker 1981, Bohnemeyer 2002) and outline an analysis of this system within Wiltschko’s typology (Butler 2012). 2.1. The syntax of plural marking (Wiltschko 2008) Wiltschko (2008) proposed