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Medizinische Beratung und Therapie genitalverstümmelter Mädchen und Frauen

m a n . x x v i C H R O N O L O G Y O F E V E N T S D I S C U S S E D 1922 Br i t a in declared Egypt "independent"; talks resumed on Sudan. 1923 Egypt w a s made a const i tu t ional monarchy. 1924 Cont inua t ion of slavery i n Sudan was revealed i n L o n d o n press. Pharaonic circumcision became seen as a po l i t i ca l and economic problem for the government i n Sudan, blamed for l o w b i r t h rates, labor shortages, and poor w o r k habits o f Arab Sudanese (winter) . Pro-Egyptian revolt i n Sudan (White Flag League). Sudan's governor- general

INDEX Aba Island, 171 Abbas, Makki, 287 cAbd al-Magid Ahmad, 151 Abdullahi, Sitt Kathira, 368n49 abolitionists/abolitionism, 16, 168, 169; in Africa, 157-58 Abu Rish, 78, 332-33n2 Abyssinia/Abyssinians, 52, 57, 263 Accad, Evelyne, 344n63 Acland, Peter, 67, 33ln88 Advisory Council of the Northern Sudan, 149, 281-82; resolutions passed by con­ cerning pharaonic circumcision, 287 Africa, 37, 236, 311; colonial, 102; Is­ lamic, 54. See also abolitionism, in Af­ rica; specific individually listed African nations Africa Inland Mission to the Kikuyu, 241

- gerous to morality, 78-79; effect of, on sexuality, 139, 153; in comparison to footbinding, 193-95; innovations and variations, 148, 184; locations where practiced, 8, 10-11 (map); pressure to adopt, 130-31 Inter-African Committee (on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children), 70,191,196-97, 206, 218 Irua, 69-70 Islam, 2, 31, 42-45, 56, 60-66, 77, 80-82, 86-87, 106, 109, 185-89, 219; as dis- couraging pharaonic circumcision, 65, 101,132,178-79,195; and polygyny, 118-19,161; as recommending sunna circumcision, 65,128,182-83,195; as questioning

men's opinions is high priority, Jubara believes. Yet in the meeting with men, although many told him they were not happy with pharaonic circumcision, they considered it women's responsibility be- cause it is done by the women. Many of the younger men, however, readily accepted the idea that it is better to marry a woman who is not circumcised. To help more young men be ready to promote change, Jubara undertook a program of school visits to explain to boys why it is better not to have female circumcision. He believes that if young men would refuse to marry

-general o f Sudan 1934-40 . Leader o f the Sudan Republican Party, jai led for leading a r i o t against the ant i-pharaonic-circumcision l a w i n 1946. Second governor-general o f Sudan f r o m 1899-1916 , assumed office short ly after Kitchener resigned to j o i n the Boer War. H a d been an in te l l i ­ gence officer i n the Anglo-Egypt ian invasion force and i n the earlier G o r d o n Relief Exped i t ion 1884-85 . Older sister o f M a b e l , nursing instruc­ tor, O m d u r m a n Women's Hosp i t a l 1925-30 ; m a t r o n M T S 1930-37 . First m a t r

believe it because just as the rest of a girl’s body parts grow when she grows up, her clitoris also grows. . . . Cir- cumcision is what makes one a woman, because by removing the clitoris, there is no way that her genitals will look like a man’s. The woman with a big clitoris is just like a man. How can a woman carry such a long or- gan between her legs and pretend that things are normal? That is why we say that pharaonic circumcision is good, because after it is done the girl’s genital area becomes very beautiful and smooth (malsa).” Although S. was aware that

very real way, education in northern Sudan and the possibilities it afforded were only made available to those who fashioned themselves according to imperial standards. THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST PHARAONIC CIRCUMCISION Once young girls’ bodies were arranged and composed in the classroom, they were subject to further lessons on civility and self-fashioning. Like her peers, Beasley was horrified when she learned about the ritual of female genital cutting and, along with Elaine Hills-Young, the new headmistress of the Midwifery Training School, tailored lectures on the

that practice pharaonic circumcision, the circumci- sion itself is taken as proof that the young woman must be a virgin. The common explanation is that the infibulated vulva forms a "natural" bar- rier of flesh, making penetration nearly impossible, a difficulty many a newly married couple must deal with in the days, weeks, or months of attempted consummation. One older married woman in Abdal Galil laughingly described to me her intense fear of the wedding night. As a young adolescent bride, she had cried when her new husband came into the bedroom, and she wanted to

focused on issues concerning attitudes to pharaonic and sunnah circumcision and the situation in exile.2 Some themes from the group of women were presented in later interviews to the men, and vice versa. In this way we confronted men with many of women’s ideas about male preferences concerning female circumcision, and women—a great share of them convinced that Somali men in general are in favor of pharaonic circumcision—with our male interviewees’ solid opposition to this procedure. This step generated further understanding of the complex nature of this sphere of