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C h a p t e r 4 Cybernetic Sexology Iain Morland John Money claimed to think “cybernetically” about sex, gender, and sexu- ality.1 Using a cybernetic vocabulary of “variables,” “thresholds,” and “feed- back systems,” Money purported to off er a more scientifi c and up-to-date sexology than hitherto possible.2 In this chapter, I will present the fi rst-ever critical analysis of Money as a cybernetic theorist. Evaluating the context and rhetoric of his claims, I will explain how Money used cybernetics—the study of communication and control, conceived during

CHAPTER SIX Society and Sexology The foregoing chapters have attempted to delineate the structure and contradictions of the science of sex as it emerged in the latter part of the nineteenth century, without doing much speculation about the social context in which this emergence took place. To many intellectual historians this approach will be quite acceptable. Certainly, social con- text cannot in itself explain the appearance of particular val- ues and ideas. We have the right to be skeptical of mechan- istic schemes that treat intellectual phenomena

Anna Katharina Schaffner (Kent) Sexology and Literature On the Uses and Abuses of Fiction It is well known that Freud mined the literary field for representations of what he considered symbolically potent universal and timeless human conflicts. He mod- eled some of his most important theoretical constructions upon findings from literary texts – the Oedipus complex, narcissism and his conception of the uncanny are the most obvious examples. What is less frequently discussed is that he also drew significantly on sexological writings by his predecessors in the field

CHAPTER TWO The Emergence of Sexology The emergence of sexology, at the very time when the marginalist paradigm was conquering the domain of political economy, is perhaps the most dramatic evidence of the shift from a productivist to a consumerist world view among intellectual circles on both sides of the Atlantic during the last quarter of the nineteenth century. If the marginalists were ready to concede that the entire economic system as they saw it was but a means to satisfy the desires of individ- ual consumers, sexual scientists such as Krafft

The First Sexology? heinrich aans sychoathia sexualis ₍1844₎ With Heinrich Kaan’s book [Psychopathia Sexualis] we have then what could be called the date of birth, or in any case the date of the emergence, of sexuality and sexual aberrations in the psychiatric field. —Michel Foucault, Abnormal: Lectures at the Collège de France, 1974–1975 Heinrich Kaan is perhaps the most famous unknown figure in the history of sexuality. He is the author of what Michel Foucault calls “the first treatise of psychiatry to speak only of sex- ual psychopathology.”1 This

61 t w o The Case of Sexology at Work In his famous polemic against private philanthropy and state welfare in Man Versus the State, Herbert Spencer deploys the language of instinct to voice the common claim that poverty is a fault of character: “there is no po liti cal economy,” he writes, “by which one can get golden conduct out of leaden instincts.”1 In the alchemical scenario laid out by Spencer’s screed, readers are implicitly invited to imagine a lone po liti cal economist franti- cally stirring a pot of presumptively working- class instincts in a

1 The Emergence of Sexology in Early Twentieth-Century Germany By the early twentieth century, Germany was internationally rec- ognized as a leader in sexual scientifi c research, and home to the most unimpeded public discussions of sex. British sexologist Have- lock Ellis acknowledged as much in a letter to Edward Carpen- ter regarding the publication of Sexual Inversion . Because it was banned in Britain, Sexual Inversion was fi rst published in Ger- many; however, Ellis wrote that he was “not anxious to publish it in Germany” because it wasn

chapter six Compulsory Heterosexuality and the Limits of Forensic Sexology In the 1950s, most of the public anxiety about and news media coverage of sex crime concerned sexual assaults against female children, but because sex between men was a sex crime as well as a form of ‘sex devia- tion,’ discussions about pedophilia often segued into talk about sex between adult men. During government commission hearings and pub- lic inquiries, as well as in the news media, conversations easily glided from child molestation to homosexuality. As we saw in chapter 3, the

“inversion of the sexual instinct” and feminizing glandular dysfunctions. Th ey also labeled him as an “amphigenic,” passive homosexual, despite Margarito’s marriage, eight chil- T E N Mexican Sexology and Male Homosexuality G E N E A L O G I E S A N D G L O B A L C O N T E X T S , 1 8 6 0 –1 9 5 7 Ryan M. Jones M E X I C A N S E X O L O G Y A N D M A L E H O M O S E X U A L I T Y • 233 dren, and repeated denials of homosexuality. As had their colleagues, Argüelles Medina and Quiroz Cuaró n hinged much of their argument on bodily signs, particularly

Soviet connec- tions, more nuanced approaches to the history of the early twentieth century became possible, including approaches to such a controversial and fascinating fi gure as Agnes Smedley. Smedley was a fi gure at the crossroads of a variety of global discourses and networks: sexology, psychoanalysis, feminism, communism, and the Indian independence movement. Depending on the context, Smedley is alternately described as, among other things, a communist, a feminist, a birth-control activist and sex reformer, an Indian-independence champion, a Maoist, a