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of the Sessions Papers to draw attention to the malicious character of the defendants in the courtroom and to convince the eighteenth-century reader that the defendants are guilty of their crime and talked cant to conduct their crimes. As such, I propose that an in-depth analysis of the use of thievescant in the Old Bailey Sessions Papers can offer insights into the eighteenth-century perception of criminals and members of the low life, and the different ways by which those discourses are manipulated to represent the social margins linguistically in the Late

Rotwelschdialekte
Riddles, Nightlife, Substance
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the social margins in Early and Late Modern English Edited by Minna Nevala, Marianna Hintikka and Turo Vartiainen Articles Turo Vartiainen, Minna Nevala and Marianna Hintikka Linguistic representations of the social margins in Early and Late Modern English 135 Roxanne But “He said he was going on the scamp”: Thievescant, enregisterment and the representation of the social margins in the Old Bailey Sessions Papers 151 Turo Vartiainen Referential NPs as subtle expressions of attitude in infanticide trials, 1674–1775 173 Tony McEnery and Helen Baker The public

-ata/-aca suffixation share a systematic phonotactic behavior, in which interesting regularities can be discovered, as will be shown in this paper. These two morphological processes, which have entered young people’s language from thievescant, act as differentiation devices with regard to standard language, and as group identifiers.5 TNT and -ata/-aca suffix- ation have one more characteristic in common: they affect the connotative meaning of the base, adding pejorative or negative semantic components. We will begin the study of TNT and -ata/-aca suffixation by

the Mudejars and, later, the Moriscos. Considering the fact that the Moriscos even- tually became an outcast community, it is not surprising that many elements of their sociolect found their way only into thievescant (germanía), or at least into the vulgar Spanish spoken by the very lowest social classes. According to Corriente (2008a: LXXVIII–LXXIX), vulgar terms like cipote ‘penis’, paja ‘masturbation’, an- delgue ‘vulva’ (in the Castilian dialect of La Mancha) or gilipichi ‘idiot’ have their origin in this vernacular, with words like albaire ‘egg; testicle

’, which are not found in later texts (Steiger 1948/49: 13–16 refers to this fact as stock of Mozarabic loanwords ). Another sociolinguistically defined group which would have used Arabic loanwords that were not subsequently transferred to the general language was that of the Mudejars and, later, the Moriscos. Considering the fact that the Moriscos eventually became an outcast community, it is not surprising that many elements of their sociolect found their way only into thievescant ( germanía ), or at least into the vulgar Spanish spoken by the very lowest social

the essen- tially social determinability of linguistic differences (on the synchronic axis) was J. A. Baudouin de Courtenay (see his introduction to V. F. Traxtenberg's Blatnaja Mazyka [Thieve's Cant], written in 1908), J. A. Baudoin de Courtenay (1963, p. 161). 10. A series of contemporary sociological studies is devoted to a discussion of the differences between the concept, 'sluzaScie (^ employees) and the concept 'intelli- gentsia* (see, for example, Rutkevic 1969, Ch. 7), Kugel' (1969), Sociologists, however, have not arrived at a single, clear solution to this

in the linguistic literature. Slang lexicons tend to prefer non-native sources of enrichment, except for native elements which are not immediately comprehensible to the uninitiated. For example, German thieves' cants are renowned for their broad receptivity to coterritorial non-native sources, such as German Yiddish and Romani. But from the former, only non-Germanic elements, especially Hebrew-Aramaic, marginally Romance and Slavic, are productively taken. The acceptance of Germanic elements by German slang — from Yiddish or German dialects — would suggest that the

our country to have directed attention the essen- tially social determinability of linguistic differences (on the synchronic axis) was J. A. Baudouin de Courtenay (see his introduction to V. F. Traxtenberg's Blatnaja Mazyka [Thieve's Cant], written in 1908), J. A. Baudoin de Courtenay (1963, p. 161). 10. A series of contemporary sociological studies is devoted to a discussion of the differences between the concept, 'sluzaicie (s- employees) and the concept 'intelli- gentsia* (see, for example, Rutkevic 1969, Ch. 7), Kugel' (1969), Sociologists, however, have not