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that where economic unrest develops in a capitalist society which is at the same time strongly Roman Catholic, proposals for 1 In a short . study made some years ago of Canadian federal politics between 1935 and 1949 the writer arrived at somewhat similar conclusions concerning the importance of non-economic factors in voting behaviour. See Herbert F. Quinn, "The Role of the Liberal Party in Recent Canadian Politics," Political Science Quarterly, LXVIII, ( Sept., 1953 ), 396-418. 2It is estimated that in the British election of 1951 the Conservative party

–30, 32–44, 46–53, 55–7, 59–61, 64, 66, 70–8, 81–2, 95, 101–2, 112–13, 116, 121–2, 127, 129–30, 135–9, 142–3, 153–61 values, 13, 23, 55, 58, 64, 68–9, 77, 82–3, 85, 123, 138, 154–5 Vietnam, 37, 50–2, 54–5, 58–9, 106–7, 125–7, 130–1, 146 Vietnamese, 37, 51, 94, 98, 127 visible minorities, 10, 12, 20–1, 24–8, 30, 33–7, 43–4, 54–6, 62, 73, 92–3, 141, 150, 152, 157 voluntary associations, 15 votes, 72, 74, 85–6, 90, 95 voting behaviour, 5–6, 23–4, 102–4, 110, 113 Voting Rights Act, 39, 71, 73 western democracies, 11, 30, 96, 103, 153 white Americans, 49, 71

; Doherty, Dowling, and Miller 2011; Funk 1996).1 Our study adds to the literature by not only considering the impact of each type of scandal in the Ca- nadian context but also investigating whether voting behaviour (both the information considered before casting a ballot and the vote that is cast) is affected by the location of the scandal – that is, whether it oc- curs in the public or the private sphere. Commentators frequently claim that Canadian public officials caught in financial and sex scandals in 1 Note that these types of scandal are also referred to in

-Economic Development in Nigeria's First Republic." In Ethnic Relations in Nigeria, ed. A.O. Sanda. Ibadan: Caxton Press, 1976. Barkan, J.D. "Further Reassessment of 'Conventional Wisdom': Political Knowledge and Voting Behaviour in Rural Kenya." American Political Science Review 70,2 (1976): 452-55. Bekadu, Degefe. "Traditional Adjustment Mechanism, the World Bank, the IMF and the Developing Countries: Survey of Theories and Issues." Background paper, African Alternative Framework to Structural Adjustment Programmes for Socio-Economic Transformation, UNECA, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

various types of information, but usually include questions on socio-demographic data, such as education and age, ques- tions regarding attitudes and opinions on a broad range of topics, and questions on some elements of behaviour. Behaviourial questions in election studies address such topics as voting behaviour and other kinds 7 Jean Morton-Williams, Interviewer Approaches (Brookfield, Vt.: Dartmouth Publishing, 1993), P-2. 330 B R E N D A O ' N E I L L of political activity. The responses given to such questions are numbered into a small set of categories, which

actions, such as voting behaviour, are shaped by television. Even if television is influential only at the margin, the changes it brings can be very important in first-past-the-post electoral systems, such as those of Canada, the United Kingdom, and the United States. If the institutions of television (and the other mass media) are not symmetrical with those of the nation-state's political system, then, it is assumed, television will transmit inappropriate signals to viewers, signals that do not fit the political system and, as viewers act politically, are in turn

choices and compromises. The Process of Democracy Dahl (1989) argues that the process is the key feature of democracy. In democratic societies, citizens select their leaders through electoral processes, and participate in various political activities. All democrat- ic societies engage in some kind of voting behaviour, but their pro- cesses differ in a number of ways. Polities characterized by what Dahl (1989) calls 'polyarchy' employ mass suffrage1 and political parties in a form of representative democracy. Leaders elected to office for prescribed terms make decisions

is exaggerated in Canada, this case study gave me a deeper appreciation of why party discipline is fundamentally desirable in a parliamentary system. I prefer decisions to arise from the will of the prime minister, who can be held politically accountable, than to emerge as unintended consequences of procedural rules, heresthetic manoeuvres, and strategic voting. Behavioural Models Lubicon Stalemate Game theory in this instance provides an abstract model - Deadlock - to fit the behaviour of the main actors. What does this model contribute to our understanding? For

discrimination area, the findings reveal an overarching rise in postmaterialist support for equality concerns across the Laskin and Dickson Courts and first 10 years of the McLachlin Court, yet the voting behaviour of the Lamer Court failed to meet the requisite pattern. Despite this anomaly, the findings provide fairly strong evidence of a postmodern, shifting value change in discrimination cases over time. In the environmental cases, the findings also provide some support for Inglehart’s thesis, with the Dickson and Lamer Courts of the 1980s and 1990s issuing more

is rarely enforced rigidly, that it was brought up so often suggests that it remains a common source of approval and disap- proval in rural Atlantic Canada. While few, if any, of the rural leaders interviewed would let their families tell them how to vote, they knew which party was favoured, and that constitutes an element of soft coer- cion that can be expected to influence average voting behaviour when viewed over a distribution of voters. Soft coercion can take on a harder edge when the focus shifts from the private act of voting to the public sphere: joining a