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records and voting behaviour of Duma deputies on selected pension laws. Some of these laws were initiated by the executive, some by the legislature; some were highly political, others routine. Ideally, we might prefer to look at more votes, but relatively few Duma roll-call votes have been published that identify individual deputies' votes. The votes of individuals are re- corded only if the voting is open and the electronic method is used.39 The data in figures 6.3A to 6.3F show some clear patterns. First, attendance rates in the Duma are not impressive. According to

voting behaviour and other factors can be identified. Religion and ethnicity are the most important: Roman Catholics tend to vote Liberal and Protestants Conservative, although in Quebec a higher proportion of Protestants than Roman Catholics vote Liberal; French Canadians tend to vote Liberal, as do those who are neither Anglo-Celtic nor French. In Canada, unlike most western democracies, social class is a very weak indicator of voting behaviour. Both Liberals and Conserva- tives, but the Liberals in particular, are able to draw support from all occupational groups

(1901–76) [See also: Hypodermic Needle Theory; Media Effects; Two-Step Flow Theory] Paul Felix Lazarsfeld was an influential sociologist who pioneered various method- ologies based on quantitative analysis that came to be used to conduct research in the areas of mass communication, public opin- ion, voting behaviour, and popular culture. Born on 13 February 1901 in Vienna, Aus- tria, Lazarsfeld graduated in 1924 with a doctoral degree in mathematics from the University of Vienna. There, he remained as a mathematics instructor for the next five years. In 1929

weight to the argument that Canada's political life is distinguished by the degree to which every national trend in the voting behaviour of its citizens is contra- dicted by some important regional or provincial exception. CONCLUSION It is not surprrsrng that when even the influence of religion was blunted by regional pressures, other characteristics of the population also defied enshrinement into neat generalizations about their effects on the national outcome of the 1962 election. We have seen that almost any statement made about Canadian voting behaviour as

, and resource allocation. Time will tell if we are being unduly pessimistic. Third, and perhaps most challenging, is a reality that we have men- tioned before - union leaders' capacity for shaping member voting behaviours is limited. Both the NDP and union leadership have acknowledged this challenge. Following its disappointing perfor- 216 Unions in the Time of Revolution mance in the 2000 federal elections, when it garnered only 8.5 per cent of popular support and won thirteen seats in the House of Commons (a significant drop from the twenty-one it had won in 1997

-length, survey-based study of voting behaviour in Canada. It took its name from Diefenbaker, the prime minister who dominated the elections in ques- tion (Regenstreif 1965). Despite their centrality to electoral politics, however, there has been surprisingly little systematic study of the impact of party leaders on vote choice in Canada. The electoral importance of party leaders has typically been linked to the nature of Canada’s major political parties and the weakness of social background characteristics in structuring vote choice (Clarke et al. 1991). The postwar party

attachments are influential determinants of electoral choice in Canada, survey evidence indicates such attach- ments tend to be weak and unstable. The flexibility of partisanship, in turn, means that highly mutable party leader images and party- issue linkages typically have important effects on voting in federal and provincial elections. The direction and strength of these short- term forces vary over time and space. For example, throughout Pierre Trudeau's tenure as Liberal leader, public reactions to him had powerful effects on voting behaviour. However, the nature of

Supreme Court Voting Behavior.” American Journal of Political Science 35 (2): 460–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2111371. Tate, C. Neal, and Panu Sittiwong. 1989. “Decision Making in the Canadian Supreme Court: Extending the Personal Attributes Model across Nations.” Journal of Politics 51 (4): 900–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2131540. Tate, C. Neal, and Torbjorn Vallinder, eds. 1995. The Global Expansion of Judicial Power. New York: New York University Press. Thomassen, Jacques A., and Jan van Deth. 1989. “How New Is Dutch Politics?” West European Politics 12 (1

health policy, 33, 44, 46, 48–9; and infra- structure projects, 155, 160; and labour policy, 137–9; and policy- making, 93–4, 172, 180–1, 182, 313; as policy watchdogs, 77, 85–6; and trade policy, 192, 201–2, 204; voting behaviour, 18, 46. See also reports Citizens’ Dialogue on Sharing Public Funds for a Better Canada (2005), 313–14 civil service. See public service Commission on Francophone Schools (New Brunswick), 248–9 compliance, 9, 16, 42, 297–300, 309 Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, 198–200, 201, 202, 204 Conservative governments, 144, 198

case of coalition govern- ments (see Blais and Bodet 2006a). This is a daunting challenge, because voting behaviour specialists have over time become more and more informed about voters’ psychology and less and less informed about parties. The solution, it seems to us, is to make sure that party special- ists are involved in the study of elections. Concluding Remarks The science of politics has evolved significantly in the last century. New methods for learning about voters and parties have emerged, new the- oretical frameworks have been developed, new