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any “tribal” or religious groupings that might pervert the ideals of 6 January 1929; in practice, though, they blocked the establishment of any opposition party, or indeed of any second party at all.5 The electoral system for the new 306-member assembly provided for adult male Yugoslav citizens to vote by open oral ballot. To prevent “tribal” candidates from running, the candidates’ list had to The Return of “Democracy” 209 show that it had the support of voters in all 306 electoral districts. Every candidate, to run for parliament, had to be on a government

the spread of infection due to close living quarters. In other cases, the registrations are fictitious and have no relationship to the physical place where migrants actually live. In this latter case, apart- ment owners, intermediaries, or government officials sell registrations to (sometimes numerous) migrants. 26 Definitions of populism are diffuse and debated. Populism has been most intensively studied in relation to the activities of parties competing in electoral systems, and as a result many discussions focus on anti-systemic or anti-elite solutions to

80 per cent of the streets remained unpaved. Clearly, the city government was underfunding the improvement of peripheral areas, instead focusing on traffic in the city centre. See Kievlianin 28 (1904), 3. 12 In this Central European model, the dominance of the wealthiest voters was maintained by the three-class electoral system (Dreiklassenwahlrecht), which was first introduced in the Rhineland in 1845 and then in the state of Prussia in 1850. “Municipal taxpayers were ranked according to the size of their fiscal contribution and the resulting list was

by royal decree on 10 September 1931 and came into effect two days later. In its spirit if not in its letter, the new electoral system arguably represented a violation of Article 54 of the con- stitution, which guaranteed Yugoslav citizens the right to free elections. “Zakon o izboru narodnih poslanika za narodnu skupštinu,” Službene novine, god. XII, br. 218 – LXIX, 21 September 1931, 1341–51. 6 “Smisao novog izbornog zakona,” Politika, 15 September 1931, 1. 7 See the “Zakon o izboru senator,” Službene novine, god. XIII, br. 232 – LXXII, 6 October 1931

Green Shirts and the Others: A History of Fascism in Hungary and Romania (Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, 1970), 339–40; the quote is from 340. 2 Rothschild, East Central Europe, 284–5. 3 Ibid., 285–8. The quotes are from 287. Underpinning Romania’s political processes was what Rothschild calls “an extremely corrupt electoral system” (296). For another description – and a similar opinion – of this system, see Trond Gilberg, “The Multiple Legacies of History: Romania in the Year 1990,” in The Columbia History of Eastern Europe in the Twentieth Century, ed

Ford Commission, one of three subcommittees established in Italy in 1946 to study its nascent republican system. One of the most urgent matters on the agenda was what kind of electoral system the new republic should have. It is impor- tant to recall the difference between an 'electoral system' and an 'elec- toral law.' An electoral system, loosely defined, refers to the set of principles that determine the elective process that was intended to be a permanent feature of the political system. For this reason, the central characteristics of an electoral system - say

is this liberty and sovereignty you promised us?” the population said. “Before it was we who elected the councillors; we have suffered so much and fought so hard to preserve this right against the barons and the revenue authori- ties! Now we have it no longer. Before, the councillors were accountable to us for their actions; now they are accountable to the government. Have we then lost rather than gained with the revolution?” 1 Attempts were made to explain the electoral system to them; attempts were made to ensure they understood how those who were elected

does not permit a full-scale study of these reforms; they are simply too complex and diverse. But neither their complexity nor their diversity prevents us from emphasiz- ing two related points that inform the central argument of this chapter. The first is that the institutions and practices of power in Imperial Germany were susceptible to both manipulation from above and scru- tiny from below. The second point is that the contests between those advocating plutocratic and democratic electoral systems in pre-1914 Germany unfolded in ways that will be remarkably

, 348, 380, 390, 392 Electoral Association of German Conservatives, 328, 334 electoral culture, 96, 116, 127, 184, 206 electoral systems, 120, 124, 126, 196– 205, 208–14; See also democracy, democratization; elections; parlia- ment, parliamentarism; suffrage Eley, Geoff, 66, 78, 80, 84–5, 87–9, 91, 94, 96–7, 124, 133n41, 134n53, 148, 150, 320n53, 370, 400n4 elites, 6, 10, 16, 18, 38, 43–5, 48, 54, 56, 61–2, 79, 81, 83, 90–1, 95, 98, 115, 123, 153, 184, 197, 201, 208, 212, 231, 236, 326, 361. See also aristocracy, aristocrats emancipation, 11, 13, 22, 91, 110, 129, 143

of Congress. Nevill, Guy. Exotic Groves: A Portrait of Lady Dorothy Nevill. Salisbury, Wiltshire: Michael Russell, 1984. Nineteenth-Century Short Title Catalogue. Series II. Vol. 37. Newcastle: Chadwyck- Healey, 1984-96. Noakes, Vivien. Edward Lear. London: BBC, 1985. O'Gorman, Frank. Voters, Patrons and Parties: The Unreformed Electoral System of Hanoverian England. Oxford: Clarendon P, 1989. O'Kell, Robert. '"The Arts of a Designing Person"? Disraeli, Peel and Young England.' Disraeli Newsletter (Supplement: Spring 1979) 98-115. Osier, William. The Principles and