any “tribal” or religious groupings that might
pervert the ideals of 6 January 1929; in practice, though, they blocked
the establishment of any opposition party, or indeed of any second
party at all.5 The electoralsystem for the new 306-member assembly
provided for adult male Yugoslav citizens to vote by open oral ballot.
To prevent “tribal” candidates from running, the candidates’ list had to
The Return of “Democracy” 209
show that it had the support of voters in all 306 electoral districts. Every
candidate, to run for parliament, had to be on a government
the spread of infection due to close living quarters.
In other cases, the registrations are fictitious and have no relationship to
the physical place where migrants actually live. In this latter case, apart-
ment owners, intermediaries, or government officials sell registrations to
(sometimes numerous) migrants.
26 Definitions of populism are diffuse and debated. Populism has been most
intensively studied in relation to the activities of parties competing in
electoralsystems, and as a result many discussions focus on anti-systemic
or anti-elite solutions to
80 per cent of the streets
remained unpaved. Clearly, the city government was underfunding the
improvement of peripheral areas, instead focusing on traffic in the city
centre. See Kievlianin 28 (1904), 3.
12 In this Central European model, the dominance of the wealthiest voters
was maintained by the three-class electoralsystem (Dreiklassenwahlrecht),
which was first introduced in the Rhineland in 1845 and then in the state of
Prussia in 1850. “Municipal taxpayers were ranked according to the size of
their fiscal contribution and the resulting list was
by royal decree on 10 September 1931
and came into effect two days later. In its spirit if not in its letter, the new
electoralsystem arguably represented a violation of Article 54 of the con-
stitution, which guaranteed Yugoslav citizens the right to free elections.
“Zakon o izboru narodnih poslanika za narodnu skupštinu,” Službene
novine, god. XII, br. 218 – LXIX, 21 September 1931, 1341–51.
6 “Smisao novog izbornog zakona,” Politika, 15 September 1931, 1.
7 See the “Zakon o izboru senator,” Službene novine, god. XIII, br. 232 –
LXXII, 6 October 1931
Green Shirts and the Others: A History of Fascism in Hungary and Romania
(Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, 1970), 339–40; the quote is from 340.
2 Rothschild, East Central Europe, 284–5.
3 Ibid., 285–8. The quotes are from 287. Underpinning Romania’s political processes
was what Rothschild calls “an extremely corrupt electoralsystem” (296). For another
description – and a similar opinion – of this system, see Trond Gilberg, “The Multiple
Legacies of History: Romania in the Year 1990,” in The Columbia History of Eastern
Europe in the Twentieth Century, ed
Ford Commission, one of
three subcommittees established in Italy in 1946 to study its nascent
republican system. One of the most urgent matters on the agenda was
what kind of electoralsystem the new republic should have. It is impor-
tant to recall the difference between an 'electoralsystem' and an 'elec-
toral law.' An electoralsystem, loosely defined, refers to the set of
principles that determine the elective process that was intended to be a
permanent feature of the political system. For this reason, the central
characteristics of an electoralsystem - say
is this liberty
and sovereignty you promised us?” the population said. “Before it was
we who elected the councillors; we have suffered so much and fought so
hard to preserve this right against the barons and the revenue authori-
ties! Now we have it no longer. Before, the councillors were accountable
to us for their actions; now they are accountable to the government.
Have we then lost rather than gained with the revolution?” 1 Attempts
were made to explain the electoralsystem to them; attempts were made
to ensure they understood how those who were elected
does not permit a full-scale
study of these reforms; they are simply too complex and diverse. But
neither their complexity nor their diversity prevents us from emphasiz-
ing two related points that inform the central argument of this chapter.
The first is that the institutions and practices of power in Imperial
Germany were susceptible to both manipulation from above and scru-
tiny from below. The second point is that the contests between those
advocating plutocratic and democratic electoralsystems in pre-1914
Germany unfolded in ways that will be remarkably
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Hanoverian England. Oxford: Clarendon P, 1989.
O'Kell, Robert. '"The Arts of a Designing Person"? Disraeli, Peel and Young
England.' Disraeli Newsletter (Supplement: Spring 1979) 98-115.
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