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politicians, 73, 94–5; from prominent citizens and groups, 74; scholarly literature on, 75, 76; sophistication of the voter and, 88, 89, 90, 100, 102; in the US context, 77; vote choice and level of, 81, 86, 86–91, 87, 88, 89, 99, 100–2, 225; voter partisanship and, 81; voter sophistication level and, 76, 78, 84–6, 89 endorsement study: collection of information, 80–1; control groups, 79, 81–2, 98; Election campaign information screen, 79, 80; hypotheses, 77–8; methodology of, Index 237 78–80; participants of, 80, 81, 97; political sophistication variable, 84

defence debates to realign Japanese electoral politics, with attention to how other salient issues influence vote choice. Issue Evolution and Electoral Politics 101 The Demise of Security and Defence? In the aftermath of World War Two, the U.S. Occupation encouraged peace activism as a symbolic rejection of a political culture antithetical to democracy. From 1960 through the mid-1970s, both U.S. and LDP elites sought to deflect public attention from security and defence issues that were so divisive that they threatened to lengthen Japan’s democratic transition and

significantly more likely to support left-leaning political parties and candidates in Australia, Great Britain, Japan, and the Netherlands, while little support is found to support this assertion for Germany and Switzerland. For other countries (i.e., Canada, Den- mark, France, and the United States), the results are somewhat ambigu- ous. More recently, Jensen, Sum, and Flynn (2009) explore the degree to which public-sector employment affects ideology, turnout, and vote choice in eighteen Western democracies. Their findings suggest strong evidence of government

are instrumental in convincing voters to pay more attention to their campaigns and ultimately sup- port them on election day. In this chapter, we consider whether these assumptions about the impact of political endorsements on voting Candidate Endorsements 75 behaviour hold true. Specifically, we consider whether endorsements affect the information search that voters undertake before casting their ballots and how they vote on election day. We also consider the impact of the endorser by assessing how the decision-making process and vote choice change according

vote choice? Do voters care about the qualifications of their local candidates when they are at the ballot box? Generally speaking, existing research on this topic has tended to focus on two areas. One group of scholars has directed their efforts towards examining the particular traits of local candidates that seem to matter (Arzheimer and Evans 2012; Campbell and Cowley 2013; Glasgow and Alvarez 2000; Górecki and Marsh 2012; Heixweg 1979; Irvine 1982; Schoen and Schumann 2007), while others have estimated the percentage of voters in a particular election

, 68 volunteering, 21 vote: choice, 4, 7, 8, 10, 11, 107, 108, 114, 135, 189, 274; share, 119, 120, 237; validated, 21 voters, 7, 10, 11, 58, 71, 82, 83, 98, 99, 100, 102, 134, 135, 154, 211, 212

their underlying commitments to electoral participation, but also in their policy views. Perhaps con- trary to popular wisdom, they show slightly more conservatism around non-voters than voters. Taken together, these chapters represent well the diversity of work that is being undertaken on voter turnout. The next set of chapters concerned vote choice. Nadeau, Bélanger, and Jérôme explore the role of the economy in influencing vote choice – a long-standing and ongoing concern of scholars of voter behaviour. In particular, they demonstrate that regional economic

attitudes of ADQ and CPC vot- ers? Are determinants of the vote consistent between the two groups? Second, during this period, did supporters of ADQ actually vote for the CPC, and vice versa? Our comparison of the two electorates relies on separate models that explain vote choice in both the provincial and federal elections, 16 and that include socio-demographic characteristics and cleavages that are relevant in the literature on Quebec voting: age, gender, education, income, occupation, language, and region. 17 We also test the impact of religiosity

How does the economy matter for incumbent politicians? Empirical work showing the impact of the economy on vote choice is now com- monplace (for comparative studies, see Lewis-Beck 1988; Lewis-Beck and Stegmaier 2007; Duch and Stevenson 2008; Nadeau, Lewis-Beck and Bélanger 2013; for Canada, see Nadeau and Blais 1993, 1995; An- derson 2010). These studies have mainly taken three forms. The first two, which are the oldest, make use of aggregate-level political and economic data. “Vote functions” seek to explain the result of national elections, while

it could be tested, was verified without significant error. There was a distinct bias, however, in the distribution of the voting choices of respondents. The Liberal vote was over- represented by 7. 2 per cent and the Conservative vote was under- represented by 6. 2 per cent. ( 11 ) Several factors contributed to this error, but the most significant appears to have been a post- election shift of support to the Liberal candidate. ( 12) The exag- geration that the error represents therefore is probably largely confined to respondents who indicated a preference