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, and Michelle Owen. eds. (2008). Dissonant Disabilities: Women with Chronic Illnesses Explore Their Lives. Toronto: Women’s Press. Driedger, S. Michelle, Valorie A. Crooks, and David Bennett. (2004). ‘Engag- ing in the Disablement Process over Space and Time: Narratives of Persons with Multiple Sclerosis in Ottawa, Canada,’ Canadian Geographer 48(2): 119–36. Duckworth, K., S.J. Kingsburg, N. Kass, R. Goisman, C. Wellington, and M. Etheridge. (1994). ‘Voting Behavior and Attitudes of Chronically Mentally Ill Outpatients.’ Hospital and Community Psychiatry 45

- ment can be attributed directly to the calibre of people the parties dish up to us as candidates. For any electoral reform my priority is the option which best addresses this problem. That immediately eliminates the sup- plementary member system, the preferential voting system, FFP, and, most emphatically, MMP. The Report of the Royal Commission on the Electoral System bypasses human nature in its discussion of voting behaviour, political stability, and the behaviour of political parties and individual MPs. ‘Most people vote for political parties,’ the Report claims

conventions which political parties observe, one of the most important being that the political party in power permits its rivals to exist. The two-party system is a functionally appropriate way of mediating the "conservative" and "progressive" social forces. In his discussion of right and left in American politics Parsons argues that the focus of the American right is the organization of the free 2Talcott Parsons, " 'Voting' and the Equilibrium of the American Political System," in E. Burdick and A. J. Brodbeck, American Voting Behavior (Glencoe, 111., 1959), 80ff. 368 The

decision making has a long history in American political sociology.5 Converse (1964), who conducted studies of voting behaviour, argued that American voters did not express views on policy issues from strongly held convictions; indeed they changed their minds about the same issues from one study to another. Converse described these ‘flip flop’ responses as reflecting ‘non-attitudes.’ On the other hand, others have explored measurement error as a possible explana- tion for the volatility of responses over time (Erickson, 1979). As we noted earlier, the idea that in mass

various groups of reformers, the temperance forces provided the troops and the organization without which the party could not survive.27 The formation of an evangelically based social movement with a mildly reformist political ideology is revealed in Gail Campbell's study of voting behaviour in Charlotte County between 1846 and 1857.28 The second most populous county in the province, Charlotte was a constit- uency that returned four members to the Legislative Assembly. In 1846 there was little evidence of 'slate' voting, in which a significant part of the electorate

), who were, just like their male coun- terparts, driven by the quest for power. In Canada Sylvia Bashevkin was one of the first social scientists to search for women's presence in political life. She began her analysis of women and politics by reviewing the existing literature on political par- ticipation. Her examination of U.S. electoral studies in particular led her to conclude that the conventional wisdom — that women and men be- haved quite differently in the public sphere — was incorrect with refer- ence to voting behaviour. She suggested, "Turnout, partisan

of expenditure and consumption, crime and social deviance generally, family and household differentials, voting behaviour and political attitudes, membership of social and community groups, and a whole range of social-psychological phenomena. The practical applications of such research in town planning and social administration are obvious, and indeed much of the impetus for such studies overseas has arisen out of the information requirements of town planners and social administrators responsible for the provision of urban services. One difficulty in applying the

one claims to be an articulate member. And although these sociologists appear to measure public opinion, in fact, they really measure and encourage a kind of private sentiment by trying to get at opinion in isolation from the larger question of the type of public life it serves. Mills points out that voting behaviour is often a central concern of the abstracted empiricist, as if the public constituted in a democracy is made plain in the periodic choices individuals make from a list of candidates or as if the nature of public opinion were reducible to the 'citizen

, 133, 145, 192–3, 197; not-in-my-back- yard, 66; and voting behaviour, 140, 145, 153; in workplace, 182 authority: of Canadian state, xii, 173; challenge to, 229n4; of dis- ability groups, 162; elites, 10, 195; judicial, 173; professional, 120; public, 117; structures, 65 Bach, Michael, xiii, 20, 94, 115, 214 Bakker, Isabella, 72, 75, 186, 198 Barnes, Colin, vii, 59–60, 83, 95, 98, 121, 140, 152, 202, 217, 229n5 barriers, 196, 201, 206, 227–8n1; to access services, 25, 77, 138; archi- tectural/physical, 40, 65, 140; atti- tudinal/cultural, 23, 40, 60, 66, 140, 149

Ackroyd as well by his own admission – held a view as to the expendability of the bathhouse segment of the gay community. Police officers in the 1980s, and likely today as well, tend to be conservative in belief and in their voting behaviour. Police ‘culture’ is conservative and under a Conservative government is rewarded for being so. Twenty years later, in 2002, during another Conservative political era, the Toronto police raided a lesbian bathhouse. In this incident five male police officers confronted several hundred half-naked women. The Ontario Human Rights Com