Search Results

You are looking at 21 - 30 of 276 items :

  • "voting behavior" x
Clear All

person. This typology was 9 I Among the studies of non-voting see, for the United States: C. E. Merriam and H. F. Gosnell, Non-Voting: Causes and Methods of Control (Chicago: Uni­ versity of Chicago Press, 1924); B. A. Arneson, "Non-Voting in a Typical Ohio Community," American Political Science Review, 19 (1925), 816-25; James K. Pollock, Voting Behavior: A Case Study (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1939); E. H. Litchfield, Voting Behavior in a Metropolitan Community (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1941); G. M. Connelly and H. H. Field, ''The

274 C h a p t e r N i n e Political Choices Reconsidered Studies of voting behavior have a lengthy history. In the United States, the “Columbia” studies of the 1940 and 1948 American presidential elections by Bernard Berelson, Paul Lazarsfeld, and their associates employed what came to be called the sociological model to explain the choices voters make. The principal problem with the model was that most of the sociodemographic attributes of voters change little, if at all, in the interim between elections. However, candidate images and issue concerns do

reporters. Cases were excluded if they did not feature written reasons for judgment or motions for stays, hearings, and/ or legal costs. In all, we included 85 cases in the analysis. 118 Value Change in the Supreme Court of Canada In the last stage of our quantitative analysis, we present three logistic regression analyses to assess the degree to which different case- and judge-level independent variables influence the liberal voting pat- terns of Canadian Supreme Court justices in free expression cases. As mentioned earlier, assessing judicial voting behaviour using

, according to English. Political historians' loss of esteem among fellow historians was soon reflected everywhere and reverberated even in the high schools. Moreover, the close ties once linking Canadian historians and political scientists withered as political scientists turned away from political theory and historical analyses to voting behaviour and other kinds of 'scientific' approaches. Kenneth Dewar (December 1991) employed new trends in cultural history to examine narrative structures in historical writing - in particu- lar, in the work of Donald Creighton. He

, 200, 208 Trudeau, Pierre 52,54,55,106,107 Turkey 28 turnout, voting 169-72 See also participation Ukraine 16, 28,102,108-10,185, 202 United Kingdom 28, 88,103,111-16, 203 See also Britain United States 13, 22, 28, 29, 31,41,116- 21, 125, I27, 137-52, 187 Uruguay 28, 29, 31, 33,126,171,172 Utah 147 Venezuela 28 Virginia 148 voting behaviour (in referendums) 178- 82 Wales 33,101,110-116,171,174,176-77, 203 Washington 144 West Virginia 148 White, Stephen 61,196 Wilson, Harold 94, in, 168 Wisconsin 148 Wyoming 148 Yeltsin, Boris 47,58-62,108,109 Zaller, John 174

- tion issues by Donald Stokes in the early 1960s. A closely related “Absent Mandate” model was then developed in studies of voting behavior in Canada in the 1970s P r e f a c e 12 P R E FACE and 1980s by one of the authors of the present volume (Harold Clarke) and his colleagues ( Jane Jenson, Larry LeDuc, and Jon Pammett). Research in the 1990s on voting in American state- and local-level referendums by Arthur Lupia and Matthew McCubbins, and several studies by Paul Sniderman and his colleagues provided valuable insights about how voters decide. The results of

systematic research were undertaken in the United States. The first major voting studies were conducted by political sociologists at Columbia University in the 1940s (Berelson, Lazarsfeld, and McPhee, 1954; Lazarsfeld, Berelson, and Gaudet, 1948). Subsequently, research- ers at the University of Michigan carried out a series of investigations in the 1950s and the early 1960s that were the basis of two groundbreaking books, The American Voter (1960) and Elections and the Political Order (1966). The “Michigan” model of voting behavior, theoretically rooted in mid

. Mulroney's campaign rallying cry of "Jobs! Jobs! Jobs!" was heard throughout the land by a receptive audience eager for political change. Ties That Do Not Bind The Conservatives' crushing 1984 victory was very impressive, but it bears emphasis that the potential for substantial instability in voting behaviour and election outcomes long has been characteristic of Canadian politics. For example, the 1984 federal election was the third successive such contest to produce a turnover of government in Ottawa. In 1979, a majority Liberal government had been replaced by a

the functions generally ascribed to political parties in mature democracies. These data on public orientations towards the parties provide the context for an analysis of voting behaviour in the 1993 election. Scenarios based on this analysis show that the devastating defeat suffered by the Conservatives was more strongly related to their inability to convince voters that they could revive a recession-ridden economy than the failure of their new leader to strike a responsive chord with the electorate. Economic issues also contributed significantly to the successes

20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 56 45 37 14 42 8 24 50 73 CPC Liberal 44 F l aw l e s s Ca m pa i g n, F r ag i l e V i cto ry strongly disagreeing (see Figure 2.2B). Liberal support demonstrates precisely the opposite pattern rising from 2 per cent among those who strongly agreed with the corruption charge to 73 per cent among those who strongly disagreed. Below, we will consider whether these strong correlations are sustained when statistical controls are applied for other possible causes of voting behavior. Although evaluations of the implications of the