Search Results

You are looking at 31 - 40 of 749 items :

  • "electoral systems" x
Clear All
FREE ACCESS

PREFACE A STUDY of representation in a democratic legislature must be directed towards two major ends. The actual member- ship of the legislature, including su.ch matters as the quali- fications of members and the manner in which they are remunerated, is one obvious subject for examination. Of equal importance are the laws and practices governing the selection of members. The electoral system must be broadly viewed as embodying not merely the machinery that begins to move when a government decides to test its popularity at the polls, but also the devices

F I V E MMP is Too Much of Some Good Things KENT WEAVER There is no question that Canada's first-past-the-post (FPTP) electoral system has some major defects. It almost always punishes relatively small parties with widely diffused support (the New Democratic Party, and the Progressive Conservatives since 1993), and under-represents women, Aboriginals, and visible minorities. In addition, Canada's electoral system frequently causes governing parties to be shut out almost entirely from regions where they fail to win district pluralities, exacerbating a sense of

strength and voice in Canada. We see it in the demands for Aboriginal self-government, in the recommendations of the Lortie Commission, in the Charlottetown Accord's provision for a PR-elected senate, in the people's demands to be admitted to the constitutional process, and in the demand for more women, visible minority, and Aboriginal MPS. Yet women and Aboriginal peoples are still consistently underrepresented in the House of Commons—a state of events calling into question the legitimacy of this "representative" institution. Choice of electoral system is crucial to

TWO The Case for Proportional Representation in Canada HENRY MILNER A Bit of History The principles of electoral democracy had been accepted by 1867, when three of the remaining British colonies in North America federated to form the Dominion of Canada. This was the same year Britain extended its suf- frage to 10 per cent of the electorate. While Canada's founding fathers accepted a form of American-invented federalism, they, in contrast with their Australian counterparts two generations later, took for granted the electoral system inherited from Britain, failing

know that plurality is not the only electoral system vulner- able to strategic reasoning. Theoretically, as Gibbard (1973) and Sat- terthwaite (1975) have shown, all systems are vulnerable to strategic reasoning. Systems do vary in the ease with which such reasoning can be understood and implemented, with plurality certainly at the easiest end of that continuum. But perhaps voters can figure out (pos- sibly with assistance from parties and candidates) how to do so in other systems. Empirically, the system that seems to stand at the other end of the continuum, PR

municipality, Brazil, 2012 169 8.1 Financial flows to public federal and state health service providers in Mexico, 2012 185 9.1 Map of Nigeria 201 9.2 Structure of the Nigerian health care system 205 Boxes 6.1 Electoral system and process in South Africa 120 6.2 Key review findings on health system decentralization in South Africa 143

FREE ACCESS

the gap between Canadians' expectations of Parliament and the reality. Next he explores the effect of recent reforms on parliamentary government, including the utility of debate and question period, the accomplishment of committees, changes in the role of the MP, and the impact of television. Finally he considers proposed reforms to the Senate and the electoral system within the context of the system of parlia- mentary government. The central institutions of Canadian government come into clear focus in Franks's analysis, as they have evolved to now and as they may

FREE ACCESS

Devoted to exploring elections as the central act in a democracy, Duty and Choice: The Evolution of the Study of Voting and Voters is animated by a set of three overarching questions: Why do some citizens vote while others do not? How do voters decide to cast their ballots for one can- didate and not another? How does the context in which citizens live influence the choices they make? Organized into three sections focused on turnout, vote choice, and electoral systems, the volume seeks to pro- vide novel insights into the most pressing questions for scholars

three decades, is a far cry from the spirited bitterness which marked the debates of 1882, 1885, and 1908. Governments no longer introduce bills concerning representation which are thrust upon the Opposition regard- less of protest; that proposed changes in any part of the electoral system are today discussed calmly by committees which represent all parties is symbolic of the progress that has been achieved. On the other hand, the continued in- capacity of the legislature to devise rational schemes for the readjustment of constituency boundaries, the payment

FREE ACCESS

THE CONSTITUTION IN A HALL OF MIRRORS Canada at 150 Whether it’s the first-past-the-post electoral system or partisan govern- ment appointees to the Senate, Canadians want better representation and accountability from the federal government. Before reforms can be enacted, however, it is important to explore and clarify the relation- ships among Canada’s three parliamentary institutions: Crown, Senate, and Commons. In The Constitution in a Hall of Mirrors, David E. Smith presents a learned but accessible analysis of the interconnectedness of Canada