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, 'Canadians are typically astounded when told that religion is the most powerful pre- dictor of their party preferences' (1985,99). Because of this astonishment, perhaps, media and scholarly analysts tend to ignore what is still a very significant factor in Canadian politics: religion. The Catholic and non-Catholic cleavage remains a predictor of voting choices, even though this seems to be diluted when, for instance, Catholics are more exposed to media accounts (Mendelsohn and Nadeau 1997). Both these factors - ignoring the religious dimension and its being highly

reflected in their divided deci- sions.1 In summary, the evidence that the political preferences of the justices have some influence on their voting choices seems to be ex- tremely well established. The current study has built on this earlier work to examine the nature of the cleavages among the justices and to explore whether they have changed over time. The finding here is that both the substantial varia- tion among the justices in multiple issue areas, and the relatively high consistency for most justices from one time period to the next, suggest that divisions on the

-Voters 89 90 Duty and Choice Progressive-Conservative and Canadian Alliance party merger). Inci- dentally, we do not find this bias in the 1988 survey when the Bloc and the Reform parties did not compete in the election. Not surprisingly, the second most important finding is that non- voters are more likely to be undecided about their voting choice, and more likely to refuse to identify with a political party. Both relation- ships appear to be consistent across the whole period. They demon- strate that a much greater proportion of undecided and non

Andrew Bennett. 2005. Case Studies and Theory Development in the Social Sciences. Boston: MIT Press. Gerring, John. 1998. Party Ideologies in America, 1828–1996. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Gidengil, Elisabeth. 2012. “An Overview of the Social Dimension of Vote Choice.” In The Canadian Election Studies: Assessing Four Decades of Influence, edited by Mebs Kanji, Antoine Bilodeau, and Thomas J. Scotto, 101–20. Vancouver: UBC Press. Godbout, Jean-François. 2014. “Parliamentary Politics and Legislative Behaviour.” In Comparing Canada: Methods and

), 30 currency and banking system, creation, 24, 184 Dandurand, Raoul, 214 Dawson, William F., 188, 196 deferring votes, 77 Desjarlais, Bev, 80 Diefenbaker government, 242 discipline in parties: changes over time, 3–4, 5–8, 9, 11–12, 15, 21–2, 228–9, 246; as component of government, 4; definition, 80; in early governments, 22; and ideology, 63; impact on MPs, 243–4; and legislative agenda, 3–4; and new parties, 22; as problem, 4, 228, 244; and system change, 247–9; and third parties, 38–9; vote and voting choice, 5, 79–80 dissolution of Parliament, 77

of the Court. Before the Charter, party, region, and religion were all significantly related to the justices’ voting choices. Liberal appointees were much more likely than Con- servative ones to support rights claims. Similarly, Catholics gave more support to rights claims than did Protestants. And finally, just as in criminal cases, justices from Quebec in the pre-Charter era stood out as more hostile to rights claims than justices from other regions. But in the post-Charter era these cleavages have largely disappeared. There are no differences in voting on civil

political system requires categorizing respondents as electoral and policy losers. I classified respondents as electoral losers with the help of a survey question that asked which party the individual voted for in the election. I then combined these re- sponses with information about the party or parties that controlled the executive branch after the election. If the respondent’s reported vote choice did not match the actual party in power, I scored that individual as 1 (electoral loser); all others were scored 0. To categorize voters as policy losers, I measured

interest, or vote choice, researchers have found important differences Political Players or Partisan Pawns? 103 between new immigrants and more established Canadians as well as between white and racial minority voters and candidates (Anderson and Black 2008; Tolley and Goodyear-Grant 2014; Bilodeau and Kanji 2006). Finally, although immigration and multiculturalism figure prom- inently in our national mythology, the relevant policy questions have largely been articulated separately from those related to electoral poli- tics. Nonetheless, as the population

was required to provide the comprehensive benefits that members had been promised? 2/How extensive should coverage be in both breadth of services and extent of dependents covered? 3 / How large was the population to be served and, therefore, how big should the staff of the health centre be? 4/Should there be a dual choice where union members could vote for which plan they wanted- the present Prudential or the new health centre -and then receive their voted choice? 5 I Could they arrange for a check-off with no need for yearly renewals to raise the $135

Justice. Montreal, Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press. Knott, Sarah. 2008. Sensibility and the American Revolution. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Ladd, Jonathan McDonald, and Gabriel S. Lenz. 2008. “Reassessing the Role of Anxiety in Vote Choice.” Political Psychology 29: 275–96. Ladd, Jonathan McDonald, and Gabriel S. Lenz. 2011. “Does Anxiety Improve Voters’ Decision Making?” Political Psychology 32: 347–61. Lewis, Michael, Jeannette M. Haviland-Jones, and Lisa Feldman Barrett, eds. 2008. Handbook of Emotions. 3rd ed. New York