, 'Canadians are
typically astounded when told that religion is the most powerful pre-
dictor of their party preferences' (1985,99).
Because of this astonishment, perhaps, media and scholarly analysts
tend to ignore what is still a very significant factor in Canadian politics:
religion. The Catholic and non-Catholic cleavage remains a predictor of
votingchoices, even though this seems to be diluted when, for instance,
Catholics are more exposed to media accounts (Mendelsohn and Nadeau
1997). Both these factors - ignoring the religious dimension and its
reflected in their divided deci-
sions.1 In summary, the evidence that the political preferences of the
justices have some influence on their votingchoices seems to be ex-
tremely well established.
The current study has built on this earlier work to examine the nature
of the cleavages among the justices and to explore whether they have
changed over time. The finding here is that both the substantial varia-
tion among the justices in multiple issue areas, and the relatively high
consistency for most justices from one time period to the next, suggest
that divisions on the
90 Duty and Choice
Progressive-Conservative and Canadian Alliance party merger). Inci-
dentally, we do not find this bias in the 1988 survey when the Bloc and
the Reform parties did not compete in the election.
Not surprisingly, the second most important finding is that non-
voters are more likely to be undecided about their votingchoice, and
more likely to refuse to identify with a political party. Both relation-
ships appear to be consistent across the whole period. They demon-
strate that a much greater proportion of undecided and non
Andrew Bennett. 2005. Case Studies and Theory Development
in the Social Sciences. Boston: MIT Press.
Gerring, John. 1998. Party Ideologies in America, 1828–1996. Cambridge: Cambridge
Gidengil, Elisabeth. 2012. “An Overview of the Social Dimension of VoteChoice.” In
The Canadian Election Studies: Assessing Four Decades of Influence, edited by Mebs
Kanji, Antoine Bilodeau, and Thomas J. Scotto, 101–20. Vancouver: UBC Press.
Godbout, Jean-François. 2014. “Parliamentary Politics and Legislative Behaviour.” In
Comparing Canada: Methods and
currency and banking system, creation,
Dandurand, Raoul, 214
Dawson, William F., 188, 196
deferring votes, 77
Desjarlais, Bev, 80
Diefenbaker government, 242
discipline in parties: changes over time,
3–4, 5–8, 9, 11–12, 15, 21–2, 228–9,
246; as component of government, 4;
definition, 80; in early governments,
22; and ideology, 63; impact on MPs,
243–4; and legislative agenda, 3–4;
and new parties, 22; as problem, 4,
228, 244; and system change, 247–9;
and third parties, 38–9; vote and
votingchoice, 5, 79–80
dissolution of Parliament, 77
of the Court. Before the Charter,
party, region, and religion were all significantly related to the justices’
votingchoices. Liberal appointees were much more likely than Con-
servative ones to support rights claims. Similarly, Catholics gave more
support to rights claims than did Protestants. And finally, just as in
criminal cases, justices from Quebec in the pre-Charter era stood out
as more hostile to rights claims than justices from other regions. But in
the post-Charter era these cleavages have largely disappeared. There
are no differences in voting on civil
political system requires categorizing
respondents as electoral and policy losers. I classified respondents as
electoral losers with the help of a survey question that asked which
party the individual voted for in the election. I then combined these re-
sponses with information about the party or parties that controlled the
executive branch after the election. If the respondent’s reported votechoice did not match the actual party in power, I scored that individual
as 1 (electoral loser); all others were scored 0.
To categorize voters as policy losers, I measured
interest, or votechoice, researchers have found important differences
Political Players or Partisan Pawns? 103
between new immigrants and more established Canadians as well as
between white and racial minority voters and candidates (Anderson
and Black 2008; Tolley and Goodyear-Grant 2014; Bilodeau and Kanji
2006). Finally, although immigration and multiculturalism figure prom-
inently in our national mythology, the relevant policy questions have
largely been articulated separately from those related to electoral poli-
tics. Nonetheless, as the population
was required to provide the comprehensive benefits
that members had been promised?
2/How extensive should coverage be in both breadth of services and extent of
3 / How large was the population to be served and, therefore, how big should the
staff of the health centre be?
4/Should there be a dual choice where union members could vote for which
plan they wanted- the present Prudential or the new health centre -and then
receive their votedchoice?
5 I Could they arrange for a check-off with no need for yearly renewals to raise
Justice. Montreal, Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press.
Knott, Sarah. 2008. Sensibility and the American Revolution. Chapel Hill:
University of North Carolina Press.
Ladd, Jonathan McDonald, and Gabriel S. Lenz. 2008. “Reassessing the Role
of Anxiety in VoteChoice.” Political Psychology 29: 275–96.
Ladd, Jonathan McDonald, and Gabriel S. Lenz. 2011. “Does Anxiety Improve
Voters’ Decision Making?” Political Psychology 32: 347–61.
Lewis, Michael, Jeannette M. Haviland-Jones, and Lisa Feldman Barrett,
eds. 2008. Handbook of Emotions. 3rd ed. New York