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and institutions of the "new" Europe, others less so. But only a few are truly knowledgeable about the specifics of a newly negotiated treaty such as Maastricht, Amsterdam, or Nice. As we have seen in some of the cases discussed here, referendums can be highly partisan contests, even without the appearance of party or can- didate names on the ballot. If the positions of parties on an issue are well known or if the referendum debate follows clearly understood ideological lines, voting behaviour may tend to conform to familiar and relatively predictable patterns. In

Scandinavia," Electoral Studies 14: 226-32. Jahn, Detlef, and Ann-Sofie Storsved. 1995. "Legitimacy through Referen- dum: The Nearly Successful Domino Strategy of the EU Referendums in Austria, Finland, Sweden and Norway," West European Politics 18: 18-37. Jenssen, Anders Todal, Pertti Pesonen and Mikael Gilljam, eds. 1998. To Join or Not to Join: Three Nordic Referen- dums on Membership in the European Union. Oslo: Scandinavian University Press. Midtbo, Tor and Kjell Hines. 1998. "The Referendum-Election Nexus: An Aggregate Analysis of Norwegian Voting Behaviour

(2001). FRANCOIS GARON is a Ph.D. candidate at the Ecole nationale d'administration publique (ENAP). His research deals with the consultative process in Canada and France, especially in the field of biotechnologies. ELISABETH GIDENGIL is Professor in the Department of Political Science at McGill University. She specializes in the study of voting behaviour, public opinion, gender, and the media. She has been a member of the 1993, 1997, and 2000 Cana- dian Election Study teams. She is a co-author of Anatomy of a Liberal Victory: Mak- ing Sense of the 2000 Canadian

. ‘Linkages Between Citizens and Politicians in Democratic Polities.’ Comparative Political Studies 33 (6): 845–79. Kobayashi, Masayoshi. 2001. Minna no yuubinbunkashi: Kindai nihon wo sodateta jouhoudentatsu shisutemu. Tokyo: Nijuuni. Kohei, Shinsaku, Ichiro Miyake, and Joji Watanuki. 1991. ‘Issues and Voting Behavior.’ In The Japanese Voter, edited by Scott C. Flanagan et al. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Koizumi, Jun’ichirou. 1999. ‘Forward.’ In Yuusei mineikaron: Nihon saisei no dai­ kaikaku, edited by Koizumi Jun’ichirou and Matsuzawa Shigefumi. Tokyo: PHP

THE SOCIAL BASES OF POLITICAL CLEAVAGE IN 1962* Robert R • Al ford The classic studies of voting behaviour have usually examined the way in which workers differ from businessmen, Protestants from Catholics, rural residents from urban ones, young persons from old persons, males from females. Numerous generalizations have been erected, which have seemed to hold for most American elec- tions, and a number of British ones. Workers are more likely to vote for a left-wing party than are businessmen; so are Catholics, urban residents, youth, and men. ( I ) No

differences between the types of polls. The earliest polls on political opinion were of the action-oriented type but they did not use scientific methods. As we noted earlier, the straw polls conducted by various media aimed at predicting voting behaviour. The key characteristic of this polling method was the ability of any voter to be included in the poll if they cared to be; voters just had to respond to the questions. Of course, straw polls make no attempt to ensure that everyone had the chance to be included in the poll, and, as we have seen, they were dismissed for this

References Aldrich, John H., and Forrest D. Nelson. 1984. Linear Probability, Logit, and Probit Models. Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage. Archer, Keith. 1987. "A Simultaneous Equation Model of Canadian Voting Behaviour," Canadian Journal of Politi- cal Science 20: 553-72. Archer, Keith, and Faron Ellis. 1994. "Opinion Structure of Party Activ- ists: The Reform Party of Canada," Canadian Journal of Political Science 27: 277-306. Banting, Keith, and Richard Simeon. 1983. And No One Cheered: Federal- ism, Democracy and the Constitution Act. Toronto: Methuen. Bean

. • Effect of education on own health and spouse’s health. • Effect of education on consumer-choice efficiency, labour-market search efficiency, adaptability to new jobs, marital choice, savings, and attainment of desired family size. • Effect of education on charitable giving and volunteer activity. • Effect of schooling on social cohesion: voting behaviour, reduced alienation, and smaller social inequalities. • Effect of education on reducing reliance on welfare and other social programs. • Effect of schooling on reduced criminal activity. Many of the studies also find

the left of other citizens, though controls for union membership tend to depress the effect of government employ- ment by a discernible amount. It is interesting to note that Blake finds the strongest effects of government employment on ideology among those in professional and managerial/technical occupations, while in- dividuals in other occupational categories hold relatively indistinct po- litical views based on whether or not they work for the public sector. Regarding voting behaviour, Blais, Blake, and Dion (1991) find that gov- ernment employees are

groups through the study of partisanship, voting behaviour, and political preferences. Even though the average citizen holds several identities based on age, class, gender, and religion, evidence from cross- national studies suggests that common experiences of social, cultural, and political disadvantage disproportionately affect some immigrant and ethnic minority groups more than others. For example, “non- white” or “non-Western” immigrants in Australia appear to be more exposed to negative stereotyping and to institutional forms of social exclusion (Booth