party identification at all. N=525.
Source: 2013 Australian Election Study.
being Asian in Australia is revealed to be an important predictor of the
absence of party identification.
In general, it is expected that people’s votechoice will follow their
party identification (Heath et al. 2013). It is anticipated that Asian
immigrants are more likely to vote for the Labor Party or to have no
party preference. For those who do not identify with a political party,
it might also be the case that, at election time, they have become disil-
lusioned with the party with
Justice. Montreal, Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press.
Knott, Sarah. 2008. Sensibility and the American Revolution. Chapel Hill:
University of North Carolina Press.
Ladd, Jonathan McDonald, and Gabriel S. Lenz. 2008. “Reassessing the Role
of Anxiety in VoteChoice.” Political Psychology 29: 275–96.
Ladd, Jonathan McDonald, and Gabriel S. Lenz. 2011. “Does Anxiety Improve
Voters’ Decision Making?” Political Psychology 32: 347–61.
Lewis, Michael, Jeannette M. Haviland-Jones, and Lisa Feldman Barrett,
eds. 2008. Handbook of Emotions. 3rd ed. New York
Conference of Canadian Election Officials
cacy group representing blind people raised the issue of outreach serv-
ices for blind and visually impaired voters. A chapter of the National
Federation of the Blind: Advocates for Equality challenged the use of
templates as cumbersome, liable to produce mistaken votingchoices,
and a form of unequal access to the electoral process (Seymour 2004).
Instead, the group wanted Elections Canada to provide Braille ballots,
to make voting easier, to minimize the possibility of errors, and so that
poll workers do not have
–82; Antoine Bilodeau and
Mebs Kanji, “The New Immigrant Voter, 1965–2004: The Emergence of
a New Liberal Partisan?,” in Perspectives on the Canadian Voter: Puzzles of
Infl uence and Choice , ed. Laura Stephenson and Cameron Anderson, 65–85
Immigration, Citizenship, and Canada’s New Conservative Party 115
(Vancouver: UBC Press, 2010); Allison Harell, “Revisiting the ‘Ethnic’
Vote: Liberal Allegiance and VoteChoice among Racialized Minorities in
Canada” (paper presented at the Political Parties and Elections in Canada
Workshop, Memorial University, St John’s, 25
enterprise leads, there can be little doubt that the second decade of the
twenty-first century – the decade that embraces the country’s sesqui-
centennial – has established the sense of a new political beginning: a
Senate that promises to be independent in its selection and, more so
than in the past, in its conduct; a House of Commons, whose mem-
bers no longer are selected through plurality voting but rather whose
numbers reflect preferential or proportional votingchoices; and a gov-
ernor general, who continues to symbolize the sovereign, but whose
societies voters are totally passive
about government and have no political ideology that determines their
votingchoices has been widely expounded during the past 40 years.
Without a doubt, those who have written about the ‘end of ideology’
in Western civilization take this view. This has sometimes been attrib-
uted to the decline in the power of religious values and a reduction in
social class differences. Indeed theories of mass society also contend
we no longer have the passion for strong beliefs such as those which
created radical political movements in the early
racy, it is appropriate to consider in modest detail the example of
responses to a widely cited article by political scientist Philip Converse
(1964) that challenged the rationality of democratic voting behaviours.
According to Converse, only 10 per cent of the public in mass democra-
cies, those he terms ideologues, exercise votingchoices rationally as
part of some ‘political belief system.’ The majority are non-ideologues
whose votes reflect simply perceived self-interest (42 per cent), whether
times are good or bad (25 per cent voting for incumbents in good
How would altering the electoral system from one based on plurality
voting in single-member districts to one of proportional representation
alter the House of Commons? There is no conclusive answer to this
132 The People’s House of Commons
question, since the answer depends upon the variant of PR chosen.
Equally, it depends upon when the estimation is made – that is, before
or after the first PR election, or after the fifth, or some other arbitrary
length of time. There is a chain of causality to votingchoices: what one
did last time, or at the election before that
casting a PC vote if they did not perceive any problems with the
free trade agreement. However, this probability declines to .55 and
.20 as the number of perceived problems increased. In contrast, the
probability of voting Liberal or NDP rose sharply when people saw
more problems with the agreement.
In assessing the impact of attitudes towards the party leaders
on votingchoice, we focused our attention on John Turner. We
considered a scenario in which voters perceived an average number
of problems with the free trade agreement and had average feelings
be either equally or more likely to
advocate a reduction in income differences. These conclusions are based
on a comparison of CD and non-CD voters in the DPES of 1994 and 1998,
LPF and non-LPF voters in the DPES of 2002, 2003, and 2006, and PVV and
non-PVV voters in the DPES of 2010 and 2012 (the PVV also competed in
the election of 2006, but it was impossible to make the comparison for this
election because the variable on votechoice did not include the PVV as a
separate answer option). The calculations are not shown but can be made