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party identification at all. N=525. Source: 2013 Australian Election Study. being Asian in Australia is revealed to be an important predictor of the absence of party identification. In general, it is expected that people’s vote choice will follow their party identification (Heath et al. 2013). It is anticipated that Asian immigrants are more likely to vote for the Labor Party or to have no party preference. For those who do not identify with a political party, it might also be the case that, at election time, they have become disil- lusioned with the party with

Justice. Montreal, Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press. Knott, Sarah. 2008. Sensibility and the American Revolution. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Ladd, Jonathan McDonald, and Gabriel S. Lenz. 2008. “Reassessing the Role of Anxiety in Vote Choice.” Political Psychology 29: 275–96. Ladd, Jonathan McDonald, and Gabriel S. Lenz. 2011. “Does Anxiety Improve Voters’ Decision Making?” Political Psychology 32: 347–61. Lewis, Michael, Jeannette M. Haviland-Jones, and Lisa Feldman Barrett, eds. 2008. Handbook of Emotions. 3rd ed. New York

for the Conference of Canadian Election Officials cacy group representing blind people raised the issue of outreach serv- ices for blind and visually impaired voters. A chapter of the National Federation of the Blind: Advocates for Equality challenged the use of templates as cumbersome, liable to produce mistaken voting choices, and a form of unequal access to the electoral process (Seymour 2004). Instead, the group wanted Elections Canada to provide Braille ballots, to make voting easier, to minimize the possibility of errors, and so that poll workers do not have

–82; Antoine Bilodeau and Mebs Kanji, “The New Immigrant Voter, 1965–2004: The Emergence of a New Liberal Partisan?,” in Perspectives on the Canadian Voter: Puzzles of Infl uence and Choice , ed. Laura Stephenson and Cameron Anderson, 65–85 Immigration, Citizenship, and Canada’s New Conservative Party 115 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2010); Allison Harell, “Revisiting the ‘Ethnic’ Vote: Liberal Allegiance and Vote Choice among Racialized Minorities in Canada” (paper presented at the Political Parties and Elections in Canada Workshop, Memorial University, St John’s, 25

this enterprise leads, there can be little doubt that the second decade of the twenty-first century – the decade that embraces the country’s sesqui- centennial – has established the sense of a new political beginning: a Senate that promises to be independent in its selection and, more so than in the past, in its conduct; a House of Commons, whose mem- bers no longer are selected through plurality voting but rather whose numbers reflect preferential or proportional voting choices; and a gov- ernor general, who continues to symbolize the sovereign, but whose

societies voters are totally passive about government and have no political ideology that determines their voting choices has been widely expounded during the past 40 years. Without a doubt, those who have written about the ‘end of ideology’ in Western civilization take this view. This has sometimes been attrib- uted to the decline in the power of religious values and a reduction in social class differences. Indeed theories of mass society also contend we no longer have the passion for strong beliefs such as those which created radical political movements in the early

democ- racy, it is appropriate to consider in modest detail the example of responses to a widely cited article by political scientist Philip Converse (1964) that challenged the rationality of democratic voting behaviours. According to Converse, only 10 per cent of the public in mass democra- cies, those he terms ideologues, exercise voting choices rationally as part of some ‘political belief system.’ The majority are non-ideologues whose votes reflect simply perceived self-interest (42 per cent), whether times are good or bad (25 per cent voting for incumbents in good

How would altering the electoral system from one based on plurality voting in single-member districts to one of proportional representation alter the House of Commons? There is no conclusive answer to this 132 The People’s House of Commons question, since the answer depends upon the variant of PR chosen. Equally, it depends upon when the estimation is made – that is, before or after the first PR election, or after the fifth, or some other arbitrary length of time. There is a chain of causality to voting choices: what one did last time, or at the election before that

of casting a PC vote if they did not perceive any problems with the free trade agreement. However, this probability declines to .55 and .20 as the number of perceived problems increased. In contrast, the probability of voting Liberal or NDP rose sharply when people saw more problems with the agreement. In assessing the impact of attitudes towards the party leaders on voting choice, we focused our attention on John Turner. We considered a scenario in which voters perceived an average number of problems with the free trade agreement and had average feelings (on the

be either equally or more likely to advocate a reduction in income differences. These conclusions are based on a comparison of CD and non-CD voters in the DPES of 1994 and 1998, LPF and non-LPF voters in the DPES of 2002, 2003, and 2006, and PVV and non-PVV voters in the DPES of 2010 and 2012 (the PVV also competed in the election of 2006, but it was impossible to make the comparison for this election because the variable on vote choice did not include the PVV as a separate answer option). The calculations are not shown but can be made available upon