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Jerome Frank (1930), Pritchett (1941) began systematically examining the voting behaviour of US Supreme Court justices. These scholars asked a rather straightforward question: If justices were truly unbiased and only enforced legal rules, why did they not reach the same conclusion in the application of the law? This scepticism led to the publication of the now-classic work by Pritchett (1941, 1948) on the Roosevelt Court, which subsequently sparked the rise of more system- atic attitudinal research on appellate courts in the United States. Over the last 75 years

; Inglehart and Welzel 2005, 23–5). Since justices necessarily develop overarching world views in their formative years that reflect the values of their soci- ety, the postmaterialist value change reflected in Canadian public opin- ion should eventually become evident in the voting behaviour of the judicial elites. Moreover, justices appointed more recently to the high court should exhibit voting behaviour that supports quality-of-life con- cerns, such as protection of the environment, to a greater extent than their older, more materialistic cohorts. With justices on

Assembly, the election had kept the threat of separatism alive. At the Polls A province-wide survey conducted immediately before the election enables us to investigate factors that influenced voting behaviour. Regarding socio-demographic characteristics, as in the 1995 sover- eignty referendum, the vote varied sharply across language groups. As Figure 9.2 shows, Liberal support among non-Francophones was overwhelming, with fully 93 per cent of the decided voters reporting that they intended to vote Liberal, and only 5 per cent saying that they would vote PQ. In contrast

explaining the growth of partisanship after Confederation. In the second part, I move beyond a simple analysis of the determinants of party voting unity to assess whether the changing preferences of members or the introduction of new parliamentary rules promoted the emergence of new parties in the legislative arena. By pursuing these objectives, the book makes four important contributions to the study of Canadian political institutions and parties. For one, it is the first study of its kind to analyse systematically the legislative voting behaviour of all Members of

of sup- port for the candidate across scenarios can be due only to the difference in the tone of the message. Thus, we can determine the extent to which campaign tone causes changes in voting behaviour. Put differently, experiments give researchers increased confidence in the “cause” of a change given the control they have over the environ- ment, which allows them to rule out other factors.4 Of course, it is fair to ask, how can we be sure that the individuals in the two groups are, in fact, similar? This is achieved by randomly assigning the participants to

, 16, 21; education of, 30–2, 252; gender of 7, 22, 29–30, 33–9, 41–2, 204–9, 252; independence of, 111; influences on selection, 15–16, 18– 25, 184–5; party of, 8–9, 28, 40–2, 183, 195–6, 244; political prefer- ences of, 39–42, 176–7, 180, 184, 222, 228, 243–4, 246; regional represen- tation, 27–9, 42; religion of 29–30, 42; removal of, 25, 111; role of Par- liamentary committees, 16–20; role of prime minister in selection, 15– 25; selection prior to 2004, 15–16; voting behaviour, 174–209 Kerwin court, 212 Klein, David, 176 Knight, Jack, 176, 179 Knopff

will not, however, be focused on an individ- ual's membership in the many voluntary associations, such as fra- ternal, service and 11pressure 11 organizations, in Canadian life. This is of only limited significance in the larger consideration of in- fluence on the total vote in an election. ( 2) Rather, reference group forces as determinants of voting behaviour will be emphasized. ( 3) In this view, the familial as well as the extended social environment of individuals ( their religious and ethnic affiliations, their area or place of residence, their economic

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number of countries, but its failure to effect fundamental changes in the social order once elected - has given new impetus to an attempt to un- cover the connections between state and class structure, between the formal political equality of liberal democracy and the socio-economic inequality of capitalist society. Yet again, the increasing expression of industrial class conflict has reinvigorated 'class analysis' and pushed it far beyond the nar- row confines of voting behaviour research. In Canada, these kinds of fac- tors have been compounded by an additional

Trudeau, Justin: on coalition governments, 129; endorsements by, 73, 74; infrastructure spending, 189; limits of power of, 168; recruitment of local candidates, 103–4; view of 2015 election campaign, 11 Trudeau, Pierre, 150n3, 151 Turner, John, 151 Tversky, Amos, 191 Vandenbeld, Anita, 74 Van Loan, Peter, 73 Virk, Robert, 47 voting behaviour: candidate effect on, 114–15; cognitive heuristics in, 75–6; economic conditions and, 132; in European Union, 132; impact of endorsements on, 75; partisan attachment and, 113; political scandals and, 224–5. See also

. Frizzell, Allan, and Jon H. Pammett, eds. The Canadian General Election of 1997. Toronto: Dundurn Press, 1998. Gairdner, William D., ed. After Liberalism. Toronto: Stoddart, 1998. Granberg, Donald, and Soren Holmberg. The Political System Matters: Social Psychology and Voting Behavior in Sweden and the United States. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988. Gray, John, ed. On Liberty and Other Essays. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991. Grofman, Bernard, and Arend Lijphart, eds. Electoral Laws and Their Political Conse- quences. New York: Agathon Press, 1986