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- pants of the buildings, the impressive turnout of residents for the initial Neighbourhood Watch meetings in both buildings indicates that in some circumstances success can be achieved in mobilizing low-income, multi- ethnic rental buildings. This and other success stories of crime prevention organizing are described in chapter 4. 2 “Welfare Wednesday” refers to the third Wednesday of every month, when provincial welfare cheques are distributed. 3 The Tait houses are homes on Mount Pleasant’s Carolina Street owned by the Tait family, who, during the research

, 22–3, 64, 133–51 senate of the United states, 110–11, 120, 136, 143 senatorial selection Act, 147 single-peaked, 50–1 164 index snap election, 14 social Democratic Party – germany, 36–41, 44, 84, 87 stronach, Belinda, 104–6 stV – single transferable vote, 5, 52–67, 69–71, 75, 78, 86, 90, 124, 146–7 supreme Court of Canada, 3, 5, 24, 110, 115–20 supreme Court of the United states, 110 tactical voting, 37, 41, 67–9, 83 United states of America, 6–7, 9, 12, 17–18, 26, 99, 101, 110–11, 113, 115, 120–3, 128, 136, 142–3, 146–7 voter turnout, 74, 80 Wallin

Commissions, 49–50, 110; reflec- tive view of representation, 30–1; and research, 42, 49–50, 58–9, 136– 8; on voter turnout, 97–8 accessibility, 11–12, 13, 42, 68, 130, 134 access-to-information: laws, 77–8; commissioner, 121 accountability, 11–14, 24–5, 56, 68, 79, 81, 113, 118–19, 120–2, 129, 130, 132; as a democratic value, 48; electoral, 63; of the judiciary, 11, 47; of officers of Parliament, 64–5, 66, 69, 70; and Reform party, 56; of the Senate, 4 Ackerman, Bruce, 10, 69 ‘Action Plan for Democratic Reform, The,’ 86 advocacy groups, 30, 68, 105–6 Alberta, 19

effect of giving readers of opinion poll data better information about how these polls were conducted. George Perlin is concerned about the growing disenchantment of Canadians with their political leaders and government as evidenced by declines in both their trust in government and their participation in elections. Public opinion polls provide evidence of the former and voter turnout figures of the latter. Perlin cites various explanations for these phenomena: uncertainty over job losses caused by technological change and globalization; the retreat of government from

seats) with 18.9 per cent of the vote, while Reform, with only 56,000 more votes, won 60 seats. The Bloc quebecois won 14.6 per cent of parliamentary seats—all in one province—with only 10.7 per cent of the vote. Turnout was less than two- thirds of registered voters, down nearly 4 per cent from 1993. Only 20.6 per cent of the MPS elected in 1997 were women. While it is easy to criticize the electoral system, experience in various countries shows how difficult it can be to suggest improvements. The diffi- culty has three roots. First, it is not clear that the

. The New Democrats had won the riding by only a small margin in 1982, and polls suggested a close two-party race with the Conservatives marginally ahead. Turn-out was unusually high; almost 7,000 voters cast their ballots, down about 1,000 from the 1982 general election, when Spirit River had had the highest turn-out of any riding in the province. Gurnett held the seat for the New Democrats, almost trebling Notley's 1982 margin, al- though the New Democrats received a bare third of the vote. Both the New Democrats and the Conservatives lost about 1,000 votes from

knew they would not be wasting their votes. Indeed, there can be no doubt that the dismal turnout of only two-thirds of regis- tered voters is linked to the fact that, in most ridings, only one or two of the parties were real contenders, with supporters of the others effectively disenfranchised.1 Moreover, where you seek votes affects what you say. Once parties concentrate less on regional strongholds and more on the country as a whole, they have every incentive to moderate the divisive ele- ments of their platform, and emphasize the unifying ones. Clearly Reform

lack confidence in their governmental institutions and mistrust their politicians, they may feel less assured that their political system will be responsive to their needs and demands, and they may therefore become less inspired to turn out to vote. Only citizens who feel that their political system is responsive to their needs are likely to show their support for the political order by participating in activities that are sanctioned by the regime.33 The seriousness of this point is reinforced by Inglehart's34 data, which suggest that both voter turnout and partisan

winning a plurality of the popular vote, as was the case in many provinces a few years ago. Second, election results can produce an opposition without enough MPs to play its proper role. Third, this electoral system seems to have a mildly negative effect on voter turnout, since in a great many ridings the die appears to be cast in advance. Voter turnout is four to five percentage points higher under a proportional representation system (Blais and Dobrzynska 1998: 239–61). Fourth, the existing voting system artificially inflates the regional concentration of parties. The

authority board members. Alberta municipal elections draw fewer voters than provincial or federal elections. Since there are no systematically collected province- wide municipal election statistics on record, it is not possible to comment on whether there is a negative correlation between munici- pality size and voter turnout as reported in British Columbia.61 Given the very large number of acclamations in rural municipalities and vil- lages, it is likely that less of a correlation exists in Alberta than in British Columbia.62 Regardless, Calgary and Edmonton