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wholly on funds raised in Alberta and British Columbia; the party’s Quebec offshoot, the Créditistes, enjoyed initial but not sustained success at fundraising by using paid television programming featuring their fiery leader, Réal Caouette. Research findings in a 1966 report by a parliamentary Committee on Election Expenses led to the recommendation to limit the depend- ence of parties on a few big donors.42 The assumption that campaign spending influences voting behaviour led in 1974 to legislation im- posing a ceiling on the amount of spending permitted during

Canadian Parties in Transition: Discourse, Organization, and Representation , ed. Alain-G. Gagnon and A. Brian Tanguay (Toronto: Nelson Canada, 1989), 67. 9 Robert L. Stanfi eld, “Conservative Principles and Philosophy,” in Politics: Canada , ed. Paul Fox and Graham White, 376–81 (Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson, 1987). 10 Robert Krause and Lawrence Leduc, “Voting Behaviour and Electoral Strategies in the Progressive Conservative Leadership Convention of 1976,” Canadian Journal of Political Science 12, no. 1 (1979): 121. 11 Perlin, Tory Syndrome , 174

attitudes, demographic characteristics, or other behaviours. Much of the early research on voting behaviour was de- voted to establishing correlations between partisan loyalty and demo- graphic characteristics such as sex, race, religion, income, or education. With the aid of advanced statistical techniques of multivariate analy- sis, behavioural research can become highly sophisticated in its ability to control for extraneous factors; but without an adequate theory of human nature it remains basically correlational. And as all statistics teachers tell their students

174; Vancouver 201-2, 213; Edmon- ton 267,269 United States 5-6, 14-16, 31-2, 100, 101, 119, 167,257, 278,280,299-304 utilities, public 11, 19, 22; Montreal 61, 83; Toronto 99, 101, 104, 110; Halifax 184; Vancouver 193; Edmonton 257 voting behaviour: Montreal 7(}-1, 73, 74, 7&-7; Toronto 117-18, 122, 123, 125; Ottawa 151, 153; Vancouver 19(}-1, 196, 197,205,200,209-10; Winnipeg 234-5, 242-3; Edmonton 26(}-2, 263-4, 265, 27(}-2; Great Britain 306-7 welfare 6, 10, 17, 24-5, 36; Montreal 63; Toronto 98, 103-4, 100, 108; Ottawa 146; Edmonton 259-60 335

112; muni- cipal 29, 30-2, 58, 60, 61, 99, 126-7, 135; parliamentary 17, 34-5, 64-6, 103-5, 135-8; poor law unions 32-3, 59, 91, 124; school boards 26, 86; voting behaviour 34-5, 105-6, 138, 164nl 17, 165n 124; see also franchise elites, theory of 9, 22-3, 149nl9, l 50n4, 155n 75 embourgeoisement 8, 68 Engels, Frederick 6, 57 Evangelical revivals 7, 16, 25 206 Index Exeter 142 factory paternalism 8, 19-23, 108-9 Feilden family 123, 124, 137 Finney, Charles G. 16 Foster, John 7, 16, 23, 57, 148nl4 franchise: parliamentary 5, 64-5, 68, 155n79, 164nnl

well over 40 per cent, so the appeal should be broad-based. In Ontario, and to a lesser extent Manitoba, the party will undoubtedly do some targeting, but less than one would think. Voting behaviour is becoming less and less predictable. Therefore, unless all three tests - namely, past voting patterns, current opinion-polling results, and internal party intelligence - suggest there is no real prospect of success, no riding should be ignored. If at all possible, every riding should be contested. Indeed, there are strong reasons for running a good campaign in a

that at the same time as the parties are so influential and powerful within parliament, they are weak outside it, both in terms of gaining consistent strong allegiances within the electorate and in terms of generating ideas and policy proposals. It is a well-known and often criticized fact that the parties are the most important control over an MP'S voting behaviour within parliament. Not so much appreciated is how important party is to the entire career of an MP, from election, through every aspect of parliamentary tenure, to post-parliamentary life. At the same

and 1861.’ Social History / Histoire sociale 7 (1974): 355–65. – Hopeful Travellers: Families, Land, and Social Change in Mid-Victorian Peel County, Canada West. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1981. Gagan, D.P., P.J. George, and E.H. Oksanen. ‘Ontario Members of Parliament: Determinants of their Voting Behavior in Canada’s First Parliament, 1867– 1872.’ Social Science History 9/2 (1985): 185–98. Garlock, Jonathan. Guide to the Local Assemblies of the Knights of Labor. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1982. Garner, John. The Franchise and Politics in

it a useful explanatory factor; also, prelimi- nary analysis suggests that whatever power a measure of prior judicial ex- perience had in the earlier period, it is no longer a significant predictor of the justices’ voting behaviour. Consequently, these two Tate and Sittiwong variables were not included in the analyses reported in this chapter. 7 Since tables 7.6, 7.7, and 7.8 uncovered no relationship between any of these three variables and the tendency to support pro-government outcomes in other public law cases, no model of pro-government behaviour will be

) and the 2011 Canadian Election Study (CES), allowing us to measure information flow and voting behaviour daily over a one-month election campaign.2 The results fall squarely in line with recent work on campaigns by showing that the campaign did matter in these elections, which is to say that information conveyed during the campaigns had an effect on indi- viduals’ voting choices. But we use the two-moderator model to show that the more complete story is that campaign information has strong effects on only a subset of voters: those with both relatively high