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government and a case study of the art and the prac- tice of governing. And given the many elements of governance, it is a case study, as well, on each of a large number of such elements. These range from the electoral system, the party system, and the reflection of both in the Legislative Assembly; to the parliamentary and cabinet sys- tem; to the machinery of government serving the premier and the cabi- net, plus the departmental structures created to plan and deliver public services; through to public administration more generally, including such processes as budgeting

labourism had proven incapable of inaugurating the new democracy either in terms of a more accessible, direct electoral system or in terms of material benefits for the province's workers. Two years of government by the 'producers' of the countryside and the city had brought few gains. 246 The New Democracy Militant unionism had been the fuel that fired working-class confi- dence and prepared the ground for independent political action. Yet labourism held no solution for the difficult problem of transforming collective working-class power in the economic sphere into

the parallels that come to mind are from the third world - as any visitor to Newfoundland who sees the prestige buildings of the party grouped together along the Prince Philip Parkway, Small- wood's creation, might readily attest. But Liberal power and Smallwood's domination of his party could not have been founded on rhetoric and skilful public relations alone. In the area of electoral strategy few tricks were missed on the government side during the first years of confederation. In particular the changes made in the electoral system after 1949 clearly favoured the

, during the Great War, which substantially altered the cscE's constitutional structure and undermined the Montreal clique's power. Yet it is remarkable that, in spite of these changes, the Montreal clique maintained its power and forestalled change for so long. In large measure, this was a consequence of clever management and pragmatic reforms. Although the Montreal clique's power ultimately stemmed from in- equities in the cscE's electoral system, 21 the group had other advantages. There was no organized and articulate opposition. 22 In the face of widespread

was nothing comparable to this hegemonic electoral system in Lower Canada. Gaspe, where a handful of persons employed by the British fishing concern, Robin & Co., controlled elections in favour of the government, was the only pocket riding in the province. The electorates in the other constituencies were simply too large to be effectively and consistently manipulated by patronage,38 even had the governors' resources been substantially higher than they were. In addition to the Gaspe, there were only eight seats (in five ridings) which the governors could count on as

In 1903, after Nanaimo coal miners elected a socialist to the legislature, the non-partisan electoral system was replaced with a party system mirroring old-world Conser- vative/Liberal alignments.29 Predictably, the Conservative administra- tion that governed BC for the next thirteen years favoured the interests of employers more often than workers.30 In 1913, it deployed the militia against striking Vancouver Island miners; 179 workers were arrested and imprisoned.31 While BC’s party system had its desired effect, en- suring the orderly alternation of

restricting aliens, 62-3; powerless to protect employee-engineers, 51-2; presi- dents, 34, 167 n 48; professional meetings, 80; promotes industrial re- search, 95-6; public service as a social strategy, 105; publications, 89; reforms electoral system, 88; re- fuses to endorse members, 178 n 48; research committees, 31; role of, 30-1; secretary, 34-5, 89; sections, 83; seeks amendment to charter, 70; selection of senior officers, 37; stops incorporation of technical society, 187 n 86; student members, 32; Toronto branch, 84; undemo- cratic nature of government

Co-operative Government won a majority, in 1934 they were, literally, wiped out. The Liberals won fifty seats and were runners-up in five; Farmer-Labor won five and were second in eighteen; the Conservatives won none and were second in twenty-seven, fewer than half the total. The Liberal victory was neither so complete nor the Conservative debacle so devastating as the seats won would indicate. As is usual with any electoral system which gives the whole seat to whichever individual polls the most votes, the relationship between seats won and votes polled was a

designed to protect parties against their own baser instincts and thus preserve the overall legitimacy of the party system. The deliberate manipulation of the formal contexts within which parties manoeuvre weakens explanations of their behaviour based purely on socio-economic factors. The contribution of the single-member plurality electoral system to a re­ gionally fragmented national party system graphically underlined the conse­ quences of rules. Many scholars argued that an electoral system which virtually shut the Conservatives out of Quebec and held Liberal

asserted that a lot of men are not fit for politics, because for their own purposes they were deliberately teaching the foreign-born how to manipulate the electoral system. 'Cheap politi- cians,' he said to a college audience, 'there is what I consider one of the greatest, if not the greatest enemy we have to fight in Western Canada.' He then developed one of the themes in his novel: 'The balot [sic] which is sacred to every lover of democracy is played with and violated in the most flagrant way, and to the lasting shame of many of our educational institutions many of