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they are doing! That is the reality! (Many voices discussing animatedly.) Marcello: in fact, we are here in 130 and we are not even capable of – Umberto: ( interrupts the previous speaker; annoyed ) we are not doing a debate on the electoral system! Let’s talk about the problems of the city! Let’s talk about the problems of the city, we are not here to make a sys- tem, a new electoral system … […] Second Politician: ( talking really rapidly ) […] You already have a colour, a very beautiful one, and it is orange … Giovanni: ( interrupts the previous

2 The Age of Islay 1746-1761 Scotland between 1746 and 1761 was a developing society, econom- ically, socially, and culturally. Its development was, however, pro- foundly conditioned by the fact that it took place within a relatively unchanging framework of political power derived in its forms from two main sources. The Act of Union gave Scottish politics new para- meters within which to work. The supreme prizes of the electoral system were the 45 seats in the House of Commons and the 16 places for representative peers in the Westminster House of Lords

women voters, twenty-one years and older, were able to elect 556 members to the Constituent Assembly. Of course, the rules of Election and Referendum 201 proportional representation are a little more complicated than the first- past-the-post electoral system. In the Italian system, there was a national list determined within the guidelines of proportional representation. The country as a whole was divided into regional or provincial ridings, each having a number of seats based on its population. In these rid- ings, each party was represented by a list of

Serbian Orthodoxy.”28 Relations between the Roman Catholic Church and the Yugoslav state remained tense in the coming years. The perennial issue of a concordat between the Epilogue and Conclusion 245 Vatican and the Yugoslav state found no resolution. Without question, this greatly harmed Serbo-Croat relations. On 7 February 1935, the Yugoslav regency issued a declaration dis- solving the Skupština and calling new elections for 5 May. The electoral system would be the slightly liberalized but still restrictive model used for the local elections of 1933. Over the

-estate” principle was something of a fiction. Higher education, a preserve of the nobility reduced service to six months. Elementary education, the most a peasant could normally aspire to, increased service to six years; the inorodtsy were exempt. During the revolution of 1905 state officials continued to experiment with different electoral systems. In the draft legislation for the first national consultative assembly, the so-called Bulygin Duma, and also in the drafts for a legislative duma, they relied heavily on the estate struc- ture as the basis for suffrage. When in

- and after ensuring bourgeois sympathy and support intends through alliance with it to overwhelm the revolutionary movement of the proletariat and the peasantry. All the fundamental provisions of the law of 6 August are in full accord with this designation of the State Duma as a new organ of the tsarist government. 1 The electoral system, based on a high property qualification, com- pletely excludes from participation in the elections the entire proletariat, all women, more than nine-tenths of the peasants, the greater part of the toiling intelligentsia and of the

sense of dominion over millions of people of alien cultures. This was to prove problematic in many new ways, and it became part of the problem of George III’s monarchy. The loss of America (other than Canada and the West Indies) was, of course blamed by discontented patriots and Whigs out of office on George III and his ministers. There arose programmatic demands for reform, including the reduction of royal patronage, retailoring of the electoral system, and even revision of the system of religious toleration set up in 1689. But these peaked in 1780, when they were

, strictly abiding by legal grounds and conscience, should not elect as members of duma those people whose private gains, one way or another, are linked to the city’s treasury.84 The same paper reported that the imperial auditor (Senator Polovtsov) had uncovered a number of irregularities in the workings of Kyiv’s municipal self-government, including in its electoral system, whereby elected members “represent the interests of only a single class” (mean- ing the rich and powerful).85 Allegations of corruption and of neglect of poorer residents were levelled at the

stripped of their special powers and the traditional method of selection from "sealed" purses reinstituted. More than a year had passed since the death of Cosimo. At last the succession crisis had begun in earnest. The events of November and December of 1465 are murky [ 169] P and difficult to follow. The balance of political favor shifts again and again, and the issues underlying (or excusing) the contest for power are hard to pin down. The sources hint that Soderini may have tried to bring in considerable changes in the traditional electoral system through the

until 1918 belonged to the Kingdom of Serbia. All of the elections held in the 1920s took as a given the census results from 1910, even though a new census had been conducted in 1921. This was intended to factor in the terrible de- mographic losses that Serbia had suffered during the First World War. “The result of such an electoral system was that the parliaments always had a numerical majority of Serb deputies.”6 The Vidovdan system also changed the kingdom’s administrative map. In place of the previous administrative borders inherited from the pre-war era