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.10 Portuguese expatriate voter turnout in legislative elections, 1976–2011 60 Figure 1.11 Portuguese foreign revenue (remittances and exports), 1974–89 64 Figure 2.1 Madeiran Day total donations, 1934–72 106 Figure 5.1 Casa de Portugal annual expenditures, 1942–63 207

manipulation of electoral procedures, there were only isolated incidents of violence.40 When the results were released, the government claimed a 72.6 per cent turnout, with 62.6 per cent voting for the government list and 35.4 per cent for the UO.41 The opposition immediately cried foul play. Amidst growing political chaos, the government revealed “revised” re- sults showing a 73.7 per cent turnout, with the government carrying Epilogue and Conclusion 247 60.6 per cent of the votes to 37.4 per cent for the UO. In the heartland of the SDK, the government had to admit

engaging in a fair deal with the local clergy. Elections More than mere agreement, by the mid-1920s, the elections to the sovi- ets suggested participation. In the countryside, the voter turnout for elections to the soviet increased each year. Turnout in 1923 was 22.3 per cent, 35 per cent in 1924 and 1925, and 47.7 per cent in 1926. If it was indeed the case that women did not tend to vote in soviet elections, then a turnout of almost 50 per cent is an extremely high figure for eligible voters indeed.17 GPU reports from Riazan, reporting on the 1925 elec- tions

of others.”20 Furthermore, it is helpful (albeit not sufficient) to cite as evidence of the fundamental democratization of German society the introduction of universal manhood suffrage in 1866–7, the subsequent rise in turnout rates for Reichstag elections, the triumph of the mass press, and the rapid growth of voluntary associations (especially economic lobbies and radical nationalist pressure groups). Dahrendorf seemed to under- stand this instinctively, even though he did not or could not draw upon supporting arguments from such political scientists as

Portuguese postwar immigrants, the majority of whom had not yet become American or Canadian citizens, were given the chance to vote for the first time in 1975. Expats in the United States had the second­largest turnout (behind Germany) with 4,685 votes, most of them in Newark (2,565), followed by New York City (1,380), Boston (536), Washington, DC (147), and San Francisco (57). Canada registered the fourth­largest turnout (the third being France) with 2,142 votes, most of them in Toronto (1,720), then Montreal (212), Vancouver (125), and Ottawa (85). Considering

politics in Bismarckian Germany. An increasingly powerful mass press brought questions of public policy into the homes of ordinary Germans. As voters came to accept the act of casting a ballot as a natural patriotic duty or as the best means of expressing social solidarities, the turnout for Reichstag elec- tions rose dramatically – again, much more dramatically than the better-studied elections after 1890. In the Reichstag elections of 1874, about 5.2 million Germans cast ballots, resulting in a turnout rate of 61.2 per cent. In the Reichstag elections of 1887

receive passports only if they voted for the JNS. The district chief had gone door to door, dragooning people to the polling station. If unhappy with the low turnout, the heads of electoral commissions would simply shut the doors to the polling stations, only to reopen them later and reveal that the JNS had miraculously received a large number of votes.127 In the words of one anonymous opposition report, “I believe that the JNS lists would have received at least 1/3 fewer votes, if there had not been individual terror. And let us not even talk about how the

electing two members of parliament. Voter turnout increased in the 1976 government elections: 51,693 votes were cast in Europe and 40,047 in the rest of the world, representing 87.6 per cent of all registered expat voters (figure 1.10). While the number of voters registered abroad continued to grow until the mid-1990s, their actual turnout dropped sharply in the 1980s, stagnating at the 20–30 percentile since 1987.54 The first two constitutional governments (1976–8), led by the socialist Soares, continued on the same track as its provisional predecessors had in

, only the inclusion of this great religious event would have ensured a large peasant turnout. The response was overwhelming, and far stronger than had been expected. Around 8,000 peasants joined Stoja¬owski’s pilgrimage. This large number of participants caused severe problems, however, since accommodation had only been pre- pared for about 2,000 people.68 Stoja¬owski later wrote, “The news that several thousand peasants would come to Cracow [caused] panic in the minds of townspeople unfamiliar with the rural folk (lud), and the Jews asked for protection.”69 In fact

according to traditional patterns of cadre replacement through indirect means, is likely the result of a behind-closed-doors agreement with Kremlin officials, who were no longer willing to tolerate his ineffectiveness. The Sofrygin scandal is a window into the Misharin administration, but is by no means the only reason that the patronage pact with the Kremlin broke down. Importantly, in the December 2011 Duma elec- tions Sverdlovsk voters produced some of the lowest support for United Russia as well as a voter turnout of around 50%. Only 32.7% of voters in