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, according to English. Political historians' loss of esteem among fellow historians was soon reflected everywhere and reverberated even in the high schools. Moreover, the close ties once linking Canadian historians and political scientists withered as political scientists turned away from political theory and historical analyses to voting behaviour and other kinds of 'scientific' approaches. Kenneth Dewar (December 1991) employed new trends in cultural history to examine narrative structures in historical writing - in particu- lar, in the work of Donald Creighton. He

clash threatened the structure of Canadian political parties. But they did not over- whelm it. The tidal wave came later with the war. Politics and Political Culture 49 PARTIES AND VOTERS So much for the level of political events which, in turn, affect party organi- zation and individual voting behaviour. In a two-party system where the two parties are relatively closely balanced, independents play an important role. Research into voting behaviour has shown independents to be better in- formed than those who are unflinching adherents of a single party. In pre- war

sociologist, if reliance is placed upon only those facts which come to be reported by the historian. What this 288 The Developing Canadian Community can mean is the building up of a body of sociological generalizations on the basis of comparison when what is being compared is not really comparable. Efforts to examine over a period of time reaching back into history the relation of social class to voting behaviour afford an example of the hazards involved in this type of comparative soci- ological analysis. Here the sociologist approaches his task with a fairly good idea of

where he served as secretary from 1877 to 1880. An issue which had a much more controversial disciplinary dimension was that of voting behaviour. The Orangeman's oath, while pledging loyalty to the monarchy, laws, and constitution of the country, did not involve any obligation to vote for a specific political party or candidate. Nevertheless, it was generally assumed that the defence of the public good required the support of solidly protestant candidates. Some lodges attempted to direct and control voting behaviour. For example, LOL 137, Toronto, passed a resolution

and 1861.’ Social History / Histoire sociale 7 (1974): 355–65. – Hopeful Travellers: Families, Land, and Social Change in Mid-Victorian Peel County, Canada West. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1981. Gagan, D.P., P.J. George, and E.H. Oksanen. ‘Ontario Members of Parliament: Determinants of their Voting Behavior in Canada’s First Parliament, 1867– 1872.’ Social Science History 9/2 (1985): 185–98. Garlock, Jonathan. Guide to the Local Assemblies of the Knights of Labor. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1982. Garner, John. The Franchise and Politics in

McGee, D'Arcy 48 McGillivray, Edward 91 Mclnnes, Donald 83, 115, 121, 166, 167, 181, 191; American competition 103; Canada Iron and Steel Company 195; cotton industry 89, 90; protectionism in 1872 83; tariff of 1879 192; views on business/ government relations 166; working- class voting behaviour 171 Mackenzie, Alexander 137-8, 144, 145, 148, 151, 152, 157, 174, 176, 199; Department of Public Works 134; free-trade attitude 127-8, 151, 152; lobbying 156, 191; public works expenditures 138; revenue 133; tariffs 141, 142. See also Liberal party Mackenzie, William Lyon

Robert Alford's findings for nine public opinion surveys conducted in Canada, in which "the differences between the religions within similar strata were consistently larger than the differences between classes within the same religion." 11 11 Grace Anderson, "Voting Behaviour and the Ethnic-Religious Variable: A Study of a Federal Election in Hamilton, Ontario," The Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science, XXXII, no. 1 (Feb. 1966), p. 37; Lynn MacDonald, "Religion and Voting: A Study of the 1968 Canadian Federal Election in Ontario," Canadian Review

, within the provincial sphere, the personnel of the cabinet and the legislative programme of the government, and by giving to the constituency associations control, in the federal sphere, of the voting behaviour of Alberta members of Parliament, a form of government was devised which promised to destroy party discipline and bring to an end cabinet domination over the legisla- ture. The significance of such a development lay in its effect in weakening the influence of Ottawa in Alberta. By breaking from the federal party system, and by undermining the whole system of

Papers on Canadian Politics (1972, 1973, 1975), and by Cleavages, Parties and Values in Canada (1974), which explored the interaction between cleavages and the party system. Harold Clarke and others analyzed the 1974 federal election in Political Choice in Canada (1979; abridged ed., 1980), the most extensive study of Canadian voting behaviour and partisanship at the time of its publication. Absent Mandate (1984), by the same authors, a provocative analysis of voting behaviour during the elections of 1974, 1979, and 1980, contends that elec­ tions rarely give

, who served as an elected school trustee, alderman, MLA, and MP for north Winnipeg for forty-four consecutive years, in 1972 offered this insight into Ukrainian voting behaviour in his constituency: 'Both the Communists and the anti-Communists... had their politics determined by the Russian Revolution. You were pro- Bolshevik or anti. As time has gone along that generation of people is disappearing. Their children, on both sides, don't care ... I would say, in a general way, that Ukrainian people forty-five and younger take their politics from work and not from the