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Abel regards “Berlin School” films as taking a critical stance relative to what he frames as the “neoliberalization” of modern societies, including Germany, he maintains their stance is not political in any explicit sense, e.g. these are not “message” driven films, nor do they undertake any sort of agitational rhetoric.20 I suggest that this accords with Rancière’s ideal for political art, which is “the dream of disrupting the relationship Angelica Fenner372 between the visible, the sayable, and the thinkable without having to use the terms of a message as a

European Film after 1945 (1977), Michael J. Stoils Cinema Beyond the Danube: The Camera and Pol- itics (1974), David W. Pauls Politics, Art, and Commitment in the East European Cinema (1983) sowie Daniel J. Gouldings Post New Wave Cinema in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe (1989). Das epistemologische Raster einer solcherart informierten Fachliteratur, führt Anikó Imre aus, sortiert osteuropäische Filmpro- duktionen nach ihrer Positionierung hinsichtlich des kommunistischen Totalitaris- mus und privilegiert solche Produktionen, die dem westlichen kritischen Ideal

consequence of this, his flat was searched and he was interrogated by the secret police. Below we will return to this incident while looking at Monastyrski’s description of the demonstration in terms of the Actions Exit and Group-3 (1983). Apart from the obvious reason why Monastyrski distances himself from politics, namely his fear of ending up in prison, Collective Actions’ view on political art also relates to Monastyrski’s criticism of traditionalism, that is, of “making art after...”. His main point is that when one is engaged too deeply in a tradition (he

reproduction it betrays and lessens the promise of its own ontology. Performance’s being, like the ontology of subjectivity proposed here, becomes itself through disappearance. (Phelan 1993: 146; emphasis in original) The unmarked in Phelan’s theory shows itself through the negative and through disappearance. Disappearance is an active vanishing, a refusal to be lured into visibility. An example of this kind of productive disappearance is the work of the Guerrilla Girls, a group of women artists and feminist activists based in New York. They exhibit their political

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. Die Deutschen). Again, it is the civil religious, not the purely religious aspect that is foregrounded and explored with regard to a national and cultural imaginary. All of these dimensions – the ritualistic iteration of myths in cultural practices, their various narrative patterns, and their visual quality and iconicity – will be addressed in each chapter of the present study. Yet, the different ways in which we encounter myths in politics, art, litera- ture, memorial culture, etc. do not exhaust the power and complexity of myth and do not even wholly

y propó- sito de la Compañía madrileña de urbanización, in: Compañía madrileña de urbanización: La Ciudad Lineal, Broschüre, 1894, abgedruckt in: George R. Collins und Carlos Flores (Hg.): Arturo Soria y la ciudad lineal, Madrid 1968, S. 258-261 Eva Sperling Cockcroft: The La Lucha Murals: Making a Political Art Park, in: Arlene Raven (Hg.): Art in the Public Interest, New York 1993, S. 119-126 Markus Stegmann: Architektonische Skulptur im 20. Jahrhundert. Historische Aspekte und Werkstrukturen (= Diss., Universität Basel 1993), Tübingen, Berlin 1995 Peter

in the exhibition address different traumatic experiences and varying degrees of catastrophic impact, they all explore the role of trauma and its visible structures in societies and on the individuals who have experienced it. Eckmann’s curatorial approach –not unlike Okwui Enwezor’s vision of a new, post-WWII period of art history – suggests trauma as being a central experience of the time sinceWorldWar II, and advises other museums and cultural institutions to use this term productively when exhibiting political art: “I think that in the post-World War II world

sich kritisch mit der Übernahme von Verkörperungsprozessen und den unterschiedlichen Formen von »appropriation« (Gottschild 2018: 27) auseinander. Sie bezieht ihre Beispiele so- wohl auf Grenzen zwischen »high and low« (2018: 31) als auch auf »black and white« (ebd.), betrachtet den Tanzkörper »as a measure of culture« (2018: 26) und Körper als »mirrors that absorb, remember, andreflect society’s politics,art,religions,aes- thetics, hopes, fears, strengths, failings« (ebd.). Körper sind im Sinne Gottschilds Barometer einer Gesellschaft (ebd.). Auch Klein fragt danach

darauf hingewiesen, dass partizipatorische Kunst letztlich weder immer schon dem Ideal der Kon‑ vivialität im Sinne Bourriauds folgt, noch dass sie allein auf das Gegenteil, nämlich die Disruption sozialer Beziehungen, verpf lichtet werden könne. Vielmehr wären viele partizipatorische Werke eher an einer Form von sozia‑ ler Koordination interessiert, die durch konkrete Eingriffe in das soziale Ge‑ webe bestehende soziale Strukturen stützt und verstärkt: »When a political art discourse too often celebrates social disruption at the expense of social coordination, we

what engaged me in Mother (Judith II) was its portrayal of Occi- dentialism itself, the general desire to fashion a West through representation, in every area – industry, architecture, fashion, politics, art.17 Zweitens gibt Mother (Judith II) die verstörende Be-Fremdung des ›Westens‹ wieder, die Bryson im Pastiche des Westens reisend ver- spürte. And it also summed up the oddness of being a foreigner walking through […] Japan. In general, a lot of the Japanese cityscape looks much the same as things in the West. One should feel entirely at home. Yet during