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ability to become a critical and self-critical commodity. And this notion of a self-critical commodity is, of course, utterly paradoxical. The (self-)critical artwork is a para- dox-object that fits perfectly in the dominating paradigm of modern and contemporary art. There is, therefore, nothing to say against this kind of (self-)critical art from within that paradigm-but the question arises if such art can also be understood as truly political art. Of course, everybody who is involved in any kind of art practice or criticism is interested in these questions: Who

According to Elija-Liisa Ahtila, beide London/New York: Bloomsbury 2013; Of What One Cannot Speak. Doris 280 Salcedo’s Political Art, Chicago/London: The University of Chicago Press 2010. Darüber hinaus: A Mieke Bal Reader, Chicago/London: The University of Chicago Press 2006. Ihr Videoprojekt Madame B mit Michelle Williams Gamaker wurde mehrfach international ausgestellt. Ihr jüngster Film Rea- sonable Doubt zu René Descartes und Christina von Schweden hatte 2016 Premiere in Krakau. Weitere Informationen: Kerstin Brandes verwaltet seit 2016 die

her own or not. Mostly this decision is taken based on her self-concept: Can I learn it? Is there someone like me who does it? Feminist Culture and its radical critique on patriarchal identity politics gain in importance and seem to offer the key to overcome this form of exclusion. If habits and self-image are manifesting distinctions of class, agency becomes the main requirement for access to Open Source technology. But also access to politics, art and other fields of self-expres- sion, a strong trust in the potential to change the own situation needs to be

(premiered Småland Museum, Växjö/ Sweden; also shown in Murcia, Spain). Her numerous book publications include a trilogy on political art: Endless Andness (on abstraction), Thinking in Film (on video installation), both 2013, Of What One Cannot Speak (on sculpture, 2010), and A Mieke Bal Reader (2006), in which her early work comes together. Publications such as In Medias Res: Inside Nalini Malani’s Shadow Plays (Berlin: Hatje Cantz, 2016) and Emma & Edvard Looking Sideways: Loneliness and the Cinematic (Oslo: Munch Museum Brussels: Mercatorfonds; Yale University

26 Counter-Cartographies Politics, Art and the Insurrection of Maps André Mesquita flows of power systems, monopolies and administrative networks. The maps of these collectives give us an idea about which forms of counter-power we need to create and what social struggles are, as they are much more than mere representations. In order to create counter-cartographies, their practices invert sovereignty of a car- tography of control. And, in fact, these maps can also be seen as starting points for subversive actions. Making Domination

that time, these views were extremely radical in a province or a society whereby it was convenient for artists to consider themselves non-political. But Moleko reasoned that while the arts could be not always be viewed out of a political context and making political art was not necessarily infusing political themes in the work, it is the ‘art as an expression on freedom’ which made it political. The political school programme entails, amongst others: • Advocacy and lobbying of government’s structures (Department of Arts and Culture [DAC], Provincial Arts and

at Hong-Gah Mu- seum of Taipei (2012). In 2009, Cheng undertook the one-year project Critical Political Art and Cu- ratorial Practice Research, for which she established a website and contributed to and edited the publication Art and Society: Introducing Seven Contemporary Artists. With music and cultural critic Jeph Lo, she founded Taipei’s TheCube Project Space in 2010, which aims to explore local culture, establish long-term relationships with artists, and promote contemporary art exchanges between Taiwan and the international community. Cheng has co

politics, the advocates of relational aesthetics argue that both need to be trans- posed into a communicative practice that, by virtue of being immediately inter- subjective, counteracts social isolation (Bourriaud 2002 [1998]: 8 et seq.). In other words, instead of asserting art’s autonomy in order to represent a utopia unattainable to any concrete politics, art is to become an instrument of the practi- cal-political realization of what is micro-topically possible: assisting in achieving social participation. In effect, however, this theoretical shift merely

the famous Sarajevski duh, the vibrant cosmopolitan spirit of the capital, which marks a cultural superiority of its native population, bypasses ethnic divisions. Despite the discriminatory and class-oriented − exclusionary − character of the Sarajevo’s cultural spirit, the domain of art and culture remains the most important fi eld for bypassing the constraints of ethno-politics. Art has turned into the most potent sphere allowing artists from diff erent genres to express themselves outside of the ethnic box. Although traversed by class and gender, art

represent an ideal. What about women whose bodies do not fit the narrow beauty standards represented in Miss World and Miss Universe? Miss Landmine is a subversive political art project that challenges the standardized expression of beauty. The photos show three of the women taking part in the Angolan Miss Landmine pageant in 2008. Their bodies all have visible marks from the war. On the left is Miss Cuanza Sul. She is wearing a swimsuit. Miss Huíla is wearing a blue flowy dress, and Miss Mexico is wearing a green dress