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to publicly pronounce such ridiculous sounding claims in the media (Shreckinger 2017), one may rea- sonably ask if they actually believed it to be true? While there are those who have attempted to seriously grapple with such claims (Lachman 2018), the standard fallback response from most of these figures when 38 Marc Tuters pushed to explain their actions is that they are ‘trolling’, which is to say they are just playing around. To put it in the jargon of computer game culture, they are ‘live action role playing’ or LARPing. This explanation of- fers those

online meeting points. The de- velopment of a shared set of insider jokes, references and even a common playbook for online campaigns has created a strong sense of in- and out- group thinking. The online far-right’s successes in reaching young digital natives have been particularly striking. Their use of computer game references, anti-es- tablishment rhetoric and exciting counter-culture activities has allowed them to appeal to large proportions of Generation Z and the millennials. By hiding racial slurs behind funny memes and jokes, and by replacing traditional

employment (GLA Economics, 2002). Second, national and local governments have traditionally sought to govern major motors of their economies to facilitate growth. No such role is played in relation to the cultural and creative economy, leaving economies open to considerable risk and the potential of losing the bene- fits of vibrant cultural economies. Third, underpinning both points is the fact that we lack an evidence base and sound understanding of the cultural economy. We can illustrate this by returning to the case of the computer game industry. The industry