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A Historical Narration

fell victim to this practice in the streets of Bar- celona by 1923.7 Barcelona, as well as Spain as a whole, once again was on the verge of revolution, which the anarchists led by Buenaventura Duruti had care- fully planned.8 However, the army struck first. They responded to the demands of the Catalan employers for an “Iron Surgeon”, and by a coup d’etat, General Primo de Rivera in September 1923 established a firm dictatorship which vio- lently suppressed everything which he saw as a potential danger to the Spanish

. Many are in all areas of socialism, the radicals in particular, however, are Aktivisten.” Robert Müller, Thomas Mann, Frankreich, Aktivismus, in: Der Neue Merkur 5:10 (1921/22), 719. 22 Hiller, Wer sind wir? Was wollen wir?, 77. 23 Ibid. 24 Hiller, Logos, 112. 25 Ibid., 230. 26 Ibid., 231. ‘MORAL POWER’ AND CULTURAL REVOLUTION | 211 ample, urged the working class to not be deceived by these “parasites of capital- ist dictatorship,” and decried the council as “counter-revolutionary.”27 Siegfried Jacobsohn published the Berlin program in his journal

in an Orientalist historical sce- nario picturing the legendary Alamo’s Assassins. Bartol himself had his own interpretations on how his novel should be under- stood: on the one hand he said that the novel was “a faithful historical recon- struction” of eleventh-century Islamic Persia, on the other hand that it was a “liv- ing metaphor for the age of dictatorship we live in.”10 The alleged historicity of the novel was thoroughly questioned soon after its first publication,11 and con- temporary research on the Assassin legends demonstrates that the Hasan Sabbah

cham- bers that had become monuments, and in countries, still inclined to military rule and dictatorship, that sympathized with fascists. One could say »Heil Hitler!« and people would merely nod. Left in the dark by both Uncle Harty and the others who upheld the myth of his non-existence were my Paraguayan cousins, his children. They were intelligent people in their thirties, thwarted from knowing who their father’s extended family was by barriers of language – they were Spanish-speaking – and their father’s resistance. Several times they had tried to pursue


Transition from Dictatorship, in: Journal of Modern Italian Studies. Jg. 10, Nr. 3. S. 336-365. Ben-Ghiat, Ruth (2008): Un cinéma d’ après-guerre. Le néoréalisme italien et la transition démocratique, in: Annales HSS. Nr. 6. November / Dezember 2008. S. 1215-1248. Berger, Beate (2004): Bikini. Eine Enthüllungsgeschichte. Hamburg. Bergson, Henri (1988) [1939]: Matter and Memory. New York. Bernardini, Aldo/Martinelli, Vittorio (1979): Der italienische Film der Zwan- ziger Jahre. Hg. v. Kommunalen Kino Frankfurt a. M. Bertellini, Giorgio (2002): Dubbing L’Arte Muta

2004. Fulbrook,Mary, »The Concept of ›Normalisation‹ and the GDR in Comparative Per- spective«, in: Mary Fulbrook (Hg.), Power and Society in the GDR, 1961-1979. The ›Normalisation of Rule‹?, New York 2009, S. 1-30. Fulbrook, Mary, Anatomy of a Dictatorship: Inside the GDR, 1949-1989, New York 1995. Fulbrook, Mary, The People’s State: East German Society from Hitler to Honecker, New Haven 2005. Gaddis, John Lewis, Der Kalte Krieg. Eine Neue Geschichte, München 22007. Quellen 281 Gaines, Kevin K., »The Civil Rights Movement in World Perspective«, in: Gary W. Reichard

/HEINRICH, Horst-Alfred (Hg.): Geschichtspolitik. Wer sind ihre Akteure, wer ihre Rezipienten?, Stuttgart 2004. FRÖHLICH, Michael (Hg.): Die Weimarer Republik. Portrait einer Epo- che in Biographien, Darmstadt 2002. FRÖHLICH; Michael (Hg.): Das Kaiserreich. Portrait einer Epoche in Bio- graphien, Darmstadt 2001. FUKUYAMA, Francis: The End of History and the Last Man. New York 1992. FULBROOK, Mary: The people’s state: East German society from Hitler to Honecker. New Haven 2005. FULBROOK, Mary: Dissonant Lives. Generations and Violence Through the German Dictatorships, Oxford

of the war appeared to be one of the many countries on the continent that was vulnerable to extremism. 3. THE SPARTACIST UPRISING In the weeks leading up to the armistice, Germany was already struggling to maintain order and stability both on the frontlines and at home. By 3 October 1918, the power and authority of Kaiser Wilhelm II was usurped when Prince Max von Baden was “named Chancellor of the German empire and under the threat of a military dictatorship” sent “the note requesting an armistice […] through the Swiss government to President Wilson

Dienstvergehen zu harten Strafen zu verurtei- len. Ferner geht Shearer auf den für diese Veröffentlichung zentralen Begriff der »stalinistischen Modernisierung« ein. Er legt ihn so aus, dass damit »a move away from a personalized to a ›statist‹ dictatorship« beschrieben werde. Das Eine wird also durch das Andere ersetzt. Ziel war es jedoch vielmehr mit »stalinistischer Modernisierung« die Verquickung, ja symbiotische Verschränkung dieser beiden Prinzipien zum zentralistischen und autoritären Einparteienführerstaat zu the- matisieren.64 Durch die Beschreibung der Struktur und