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: Historisches Lexikon zur politisch-sozialen Sprache in Deutschland, hrsg. v. Otto Brunner, Werner Conze und Reinhart Koselleck, Stuttgart, S. 425–542. Blome, Nikolaus, Hubert Gude, Sven Röbel u. a. (2014), Beifang im Netz, Spiegel Online (18. Aug. 2014), el/print/d-128743698.html (abgerufen am 30. 07. 2015). Bobbio, Norberto (1989), The Great Dichotomy: Public/Private, in De- mocracy and Dictatorship. The Nature and Limits of State Power, Minneapolis, S. 1–21. Bohannon, John (2015), Credit card study blows holes in anonymity, Science, 347, 6221, S

this is that they mean absolutely nothing. I understand what Marx meant by overcoming the capitalist regime, because he made it quite explicit several times. I also understand what Lenin or Trotsky meant for the same reason. But in the work of Žižek that expression means nothing – unless he has a secret strategic plan of which he is very careful not to inform anybody. Should we understand that he wants to impose the dictatorship of the proletariat? Or does he want to socialize the means of production and abolish market mechanisms? And what is his political

to be challenged according to the criterion of our ethical responsibility to the other” that “ethical philosophy should remain first philosophy”, as Levinas explains in a remark that will retain our attention later.10 Thinking radically, Levinas’ opposition to tyranny does not limit itself to an opposition to historical instances of political oppression, dictatorship, totalitarianism and genocide – of which, alas, it is not difficult to list exam- ples. Rather, “politics left to itself bears a tyranny in itself”,11 that is to say, “the element of violence in

, 1990c, 1997a). Having sketched the Mi'kmaq position within this hegemonic configura- tion, outlined the political challenges they face in their struggle for survival, and identified anthropological knowledge as a form of soft power potential to be deployed in the native rights struggle, I now turn to my owu long-term pro- fessional involvement with this particular tribal nation. In 1981, fresh from fieldwork among Mapuche Indians in the Argentine pampas during the final years of military dictatorship, I came to Maine where I soon found out that a regional

nennt, sondern sich hypothetisch an die Stelle von El- tern denkt. In der mitabgedruckten Erklärung bringt Arendt ihre An- sicht noch einmal auf den Punkt: [ . . . ] the government has a stake in the education of my child insofar as this child is supposed to grow up into a citizen, but I would deny that the government had any right to tell me in whose company my child received its instruction. The right of parents to decide such matters for their children until they are grown- ups are challenged only by dictatorships. (Arendt 2003b, S. 195) Dimensionen des Privaten im

the development of framework that can steer a path between the Scylla of universalizing human experience and the Charybdis of what Steven Best has called “the dictatorship of the fragments.”5 Holly Lewis’ attempt to do so is to introduce a distinction between a “universalism from above” and a “uni- 5 | Steven Best, “Jameson, Totality, and the Poststructuralist Critique,” in Postmoder- nism/Jameson/Critique, ed. Douglas Kellner (Washington, DC: Maisonneuve Press, 1989), 361. Chapter Seven: Solidarity in the House of Dif ference 235 versalism of below.”6 The

), imperialism (not merely conquest), totalitarianism (not merely dictatorship) – one after the other, one more brutally than the other, have demonstrated that human dignity needs a new law on earth [Herv. v. W.M.], whose validity this time must comprehend the whole of humanity while its power must remain strictly limited, rooted in and controlled by newly defined terri- torial entities.“190 In Reflexion auf die totalitäre Praxis der Menschenvernichtung entwickelt Arendt eine Neubestimmung des Begriffs der Menschheit und fordert die politische Universalisierung der