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Rafael L. Trujillo dictatorship from 1930-1961, when “anti-Haitianism took on the rank of reasons of State” (ibid: 64-65) and was inextricably written into the dictatorial discourse of Dominican national identity. Trujillo’s conception of the new Dominican modern nation that he was creating relied fundamen- tally on a differentiation from and vilification of its neighbor that was violently put into practice when the dictatorship’s forces massacred over thirty thousand Haitians and Dominicans of Haitian descent on Dominican territory in October 1937. Thereafter

descent, as a vibrant voice particularly among non-Hispanic Caribbeans in North America (Laguerre 1998; Jackson 2011). It also has much to do with concurrent developments in Haiti itself over the course of this period of heightened outmigration: dictatorships, military overthrows, coups, embargos, and most tragically, the earthquake of 2010. The few years since that catastrophe, have wit- nessed yet another assertion of the Haitian communities that are collective- ly referred to as the Haitian diaspora, as an important element in discussions of recovery and

favored anti-communists and the Chinese merchant class.9 This was accentuated under President Fulgencio Batista, who installed a pro-U.S. dictatorship through a coup d’état in 1952. Also under Batista, “[u]pper-class Chinese merchants enjoyed a mutually beneficial relationship with Cuban politicians […]” (López 2013: 223). The Alianza had already been dissolved in 1951 due to economic problems; in 1955 its official registration was canceled. On the other hand, towards the end of the 1950s, the Cold War ideology endorsed by the Batista regime also had a

generation live under the conditions of strong dictatorship and unlimited compulsory military service described above and, fol- lowing the example of the previous generations, often decide to go into exile to seek refuge and a better life abroad. Eritrea, indeed, played host to a wide diasporic process during the thirty-year struggle for independence: about one million Eri- treans went into exile, although they maintained strong links with EPLF guerrillas through providing them with financial and political support (Al-Ali, Black, and Koser 2001). This form of long

, London: Routledge, S. 161-185. Ilger, Volker (2008): CARE-Paket & Co. Von der Liebesgabe zum Westpaket, Darmstadt: Primus. Jagodzinski, Wolfgang (2000): »Religiöse Stagnation in den neuen Bundeslän- dern: Fehlt das Angebot oder fehlt die Nachfrage?«, in: Detlef Pollack/Gert Pickel (Hg.), Religiöser und kirchlicher Wandel in Ostdeutschland 1989- 1999, Opladen: Leske + Budrich, S. 48-69. Jarausch, Konrad H. (1999): »Care and Coercion: The GDR as Welfare Dictator- ship«, in: Ders. (Hg.), Dictatorship as Experience. Towards a Socio-Cultural History of the GDR, New

Otredad y de Frontera : Antro- pología y Pueblos Amazónicos«. In: No Hay País Más Diverso. Compe- ZWISCHEN AMAZONAS UND EAST RIVER 378 ndio de Antropología Peruana, hg. v. Carlos Iván Degregori, Lima, S. 235-277. Paley, Julia (2001): Marketing Democracy: Power and Social Movements in Post-Dictatorship Chile, Berkeley. Perú Ministerio de Salud (2002): Análisis de la Situación del Pueblo Shipibo Konibo, Lima. Petermann, Werner (2004): Geschichte der Ethnologie, Wuppertal. Posey, Darrel A./Dutfield, Graham (1996): Beyond Intellectual Property: To- ward

daraus resultierenden schreienden Unrechts ist die Enttäuschung und Verbitte- rung über die Grenzen der Befreiung deutlich zu spüren und das Land von sozialem Frieden nach wie vor weit entfernt: 30 SMSes of the Day. The Namibian, 31. März 2014. Henning Melber116 »The politicians must wake up to the reality that ordinary Namibians are fast losing trust in the institutions of the state, whether it is the security agencies such as police and army or education and health. Like in Orwell's Animal Farm, Namibia's democracy has become a sham. It is more a dictatorship

th century (Diego Barros Arana, Francisco Encina, Luis Galdames etc.). The consequence of the dominance of ‘minimalist narratives’ in the historiography was the diffusion of a biased interpretation in school curricula and in the Chilean State Museums (Crow 2013: 24-25). Even under Pinochet’s dictatorship, and although the regime was not known for its rhetorical carefulness, the official interpretation of the occupation was that it had been an example of ‘peaceful resolution of border conflicts’. Curiously, the military campaigns against the Mapuche have also

Americas after an insurrection of enslaved people), the particular postcolonial history of its neighbor-state Dominican Republic has largely been overlooked or only perceived in opposition to Haiti. Yet, the Dominican experience demonstrates a very particular insertion into modernity, which has been strongly influenced by European and US imperialism and Western political thought. Horn re- constructs how national racial discourses of Anti-Haitianism during the dictatorships of Trujillo (1930-61) and under its successor Balaguer (1966- 78; 1986-96) were shaped by the

”, formerly institutionalized in the Poro and Sande secret societies. These in- stitutions did not simply disappear during the revolutionary times but they did come under serious attack. In this context, Højbjerg states with regard to the Touré regime: “local religious practices were outlawed during this period of harsh dictatorship, when all forms of political opposition were suppressed and Guinea became isolated from the outside world” (Højbjerg, 2007: 234). Through my inves- Youth and the State in Guinea: Meandering Lives72 tigation in the field I would argue that