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Clyde Kluckhohn’s theory of culture suggested by John Monaghan and Peter Just: everyone is at one and the same time “like some other people, like all other people, and like no other person” (Monaghan and Just 40). This, in turn, seems to leave us with precious little. However, as will become clear, one could do worse than to take it seriously. Children of immigrants have become an increasingly important new research interest in a number of disciplines2 – such as sociology, anthropology, ethnology, history, literary and cultural studies – and in popular and

. —. New Women for God. Canadian Presbyterian Women and India Mis- sions, 1876-1914. Toronto, Buffalo, London: University of Toronto Press, 1990. Print. —. “Opening Doors Through Social Service: Aspects of Women’s Work in the Canadian Presbyterian Mission in Central India, 1877-1914.” Women’s Work for Women. Missionaries and Social Change in Asia. Ed. Leslie A. Flemming. Boulder: Westview Press, 1989. 11-34. Print. Brumberg, Joan Jacobs. “Zenanas and Girlless Villages: The Ethnology of American Evangelical Women, 1870-1910.” The Journal of American History 69

Vovelle, and Robert Mandrou, whose approach to mentality au troisième niveau puts the focus on culture as the main object of interest. For more information on the Annales see Burke (1990). 6 | Other terms used by the Annales besides histoire des mentalités are psychologie his- torique or histoire sociale des idées and histoire socioculturelle (cf. Chartier 1988: 11). 7 | Spode (1990: 27-30) shows that an ethnological and comparative history of mentali- ties already exists avant la lettre. He claims that the Annales School’s focus, like the structure and change of mental

, – anything, everything that will bring this most no- ble and Christly work close to our slow, selfish hearts” (anon. cited in Brumberg 1982: 353). For lack of other sources and out of an open, some- times uncritical admiration for the courage of these missionary women, the audiences were all too eager to believe in the authenticity and truthfulness of what they read and heard. In fact, they perceived missionary journals and letters as “ethnological descriptions of manners, family life, politics, and culture […] [which] articulate[d] distinctions between Christian and

yearbooks, but also personal wills, pamphlets, diaries, letters, sermons, etc. (cf. Reichardt 1978: 138-157; Schulze 1985: 262-263). These sources are quasi-statistically evaluated for recurrences, which results in a representative profile of mental structures. However, certain patterns of rites, myths, or narratives are hardly quantifiable; rather, their mental dispositions lie in the structures of meaning. For a qualitative approach historians of mentalities first adopt sociological tech- niques, assimilate methods of social psychologists, and appropriate ethnological

American anthropologist who in 1880 was appointed director of the Bureau of Ethnology, and who also served as second director of the U.S. Geolog- ical Survey (1881 to 1894).67 “[I]nspired and lifted to higher planes by the shock” of the Civil War,68 Powell had developed his theories of human progress on the basis of what he expected to see in America’s postwar multicultural mix. While he believed in the ability of all humans to progress, including the darker races, he posited that different groups would progress toward perfection at different speeds: for some

different disciplines, and even within disciplines there is occasionally caustic disagreement as to their precise meaning. It is safe to say, though, that most of these concepts originate or have been revitalized within newer, often interdisciplinary and interconnected research paradigms (e.g. postcolonialism, globalization studies, diaspora studies, transnationalism, cosmopolitanism, border studies) in a variety of disciplines (e.g. sociology, political sciences, anthropology, ethnology, cultural studies, historical studies, linguistics) that try to answer to what

of Montaigne’s essay “Of Cannibals: The Savage ‘I’,” Michel de Certeau describes the formulaic structure of sixteenth-century traveler accounts as consisting of three basic elements: a framing meta-discourse of the outbound journey to a strange, different place, “starting out in search of the other with the impossible task of saying the truth,” followed by an ‘ethnological’ description of the savage society as seen by a true witness who idealizes the savage community as a beautiful organic body, transforming even cannibalism and polygamy into forms of beauty