In this paper I present an ethnographic approach to the research of hackerspaces. It draws upon an ethnomethodological background in order to address the role of members’ skills and knowledge. To that end, I aim for an immersive ethnographic approach in order to achieve a first-hand understanding of members’ practices. In this, I draw upon ethnomethodology as it provides a rich theoretical and methodological background for the study of skill and knowledge, namely the call for practical knowledge as an analytical instrument (Garfinkel 2006). In order to fully understand the implications of social movements like hacking and making communities, appropriate research methods are called for. Ethnomethodology, with its tradition in the analysis of epistemic practices and embodied knowledge, can provide the means for a more immersive and reflexive ethnography. By using materials of my own ethnography, I demonstrate how active engagement with members’ practices can provide for a deeper ethnographic understanding. In order to overcome the challenges of the field, I chose to adopt a project of coding myself. This acquisition of field-specific knowledge proved to be not only a valuable resource for the ongoing fieldwork but could offer important analytical insights in itself. I will show that important facets of members’ meanings were accessible only through personal experience. I suggest a broader adoption of ethnomethodological principles in ethnographic research of hackerspaces as it accommodates the underlying affinity towards experimentation prevalent in the field.
technically, politically, and economically, rethinking what the “politics
of data” means for their own practice, especially in the context of surveillance
(Ganesh/Hankey 2015). They increasingly seek to counter massive data collection
by means of resistance and obfuscation. Although the circumvention of surveil-
lance is a long-standing practice amongst socialmovements and certainly pre-
dates datafication (see, e. g., della Porta 1995), dedicated events, trainings, and
off-the-shelves tools to secure digital communications have mushroomed over
the last few years
; hermeneutics; data analytics
qualitative methods; random sampling; close reading.
The digital transformation of our societies has not just transformed the “ontology”
of politics, i. e. the nature or essence of contemporary political phenomena in a
variety of domains, from socialmovements using data leaks as protest tactics to
political campaigns mastering the art of data-driven targeted advertising. It has
also transformed the “epistemology” of political research, i. e. the methods used
to analyse political phenomena as they unfold online
pedestrian and bicycle traffic (Ryu 2004).
Since its reconstruction in 2008, Gwanghwamun Plaza has provided highly effec‑
tive visibility for socialmovements. It is the literal centre of the old, walled city,
and it is also symbolically (and even geomantically) the centre of the nation, with
the reconstructed Chosŏn palace at the north end of Sejong Avenue and, behind
it, the President’s house (Yoon 2008). Finally, it is a synecdoche for South Korea’s
place in the contemporary, global order, with newspapers, Korean conglomerates,
global corporations and embassies
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concludes by asking us to
consider the plurality of ways in which the conditions of valuation are inscribed to
devise alternative accounts of ‘what counts’.
In the third paper, Stefania Milan and Lonneke van der Velden discuss
different forms of activism which make data a new terrain of contention. The
authors highlight how different campaigns and socialmovements approach the
question of Big Data. For some, Big Data is mainly understood in terms of a threat
to individual rights, and to privacy. For others, Big Data has more positive possibil-
ities, allowing new
American Society for Engineering Education Conference, pp. 15–18.
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