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educators who taught me things I don’t even remember, the ac- tivists and social movements around the world who inspire me to do better and work harder. It would have been impossible without the internet radicals who posted memes, pictures, reminders, tweets, and articles that challenged and changed me. It would have been impossible without the innumerable failures, mine and others’, that push me to be more accountable. The resistors, parti- sans, revolutionaries, militants, strikers, and fighters, the mothers, nannies, nurses, sex workers, students, street artists

–32. EMPOWERMENT, SOZIALE BEWEGUNGEN UND DAS RECHT AUF GESUNDHEIT | 69 Butler, J. (2009): Frames of War. When is Life Grievable?, London, New York: Verso. Brown, T./Fee, E. (2014): »Social Movements in Health«, in: Annual Review in Public Health 35 (2014), 385–398. Brown, P./Zavestoski, S. (2004): »Social Movements in Health: An Intro- duction«, in: Sociology of Health and Illness 26, 6 (2004), 679–694. Campbell, F. (2009): Contours of Ableism. The Production of Disability and Abledness, London: Palgrave MacMillan. Crewe, N. M./Zola, I. K. (Hg.) (1983): Independent

collaboration: first, the political context of an abating Cold War and the development of more complex international relations; second, the rise of social movements that mobilised novel forms of expertise and cri- tique; and third, an epistemological revolution that opened up new topics The Problems of Modern Societies – Epistemic Design around 1970 37 for inquiry, introduced new methodologies, forms of ref lexivity and frames of analysis, and that made provisions for new roles of science. The notion of the ‘problem’ – from the problematique to the wicked problem – which

Intersectionality86 sectionality.”25 For Crenshaw, structural intersectionality refers to the ways in which the structures of race and gender (and, she is very clear, class and sexu- ality, and potentially other factors as well) come together to produce a qualita- tively different modality of oppression than those who face oppression on the basis of only one factor. Political intersectionality refers to the failures of social movements such as the feminist and anti-racist movements, to adequately con- ceptualize the oppressions they fight in terms that are representative of

): Of Islamists and Ballot Boxes: Rethinking the Rela- tionship between Islamism and Electoral Politics. In: International Journal of Middle East Studies 33 (4), 591-610. Lariege, Julien (2004): Les process de Casablanca et la piste Al-Qaida. In: Les Cahiers de !'Orient 74 (2), 83-91. Marcy, Georges (1954): Le Probleme du Droit Coutumier. In: Revue Alge- rienne, Tuniienne et Maroaine. de Lfigisation. et de Jurisprudence, 1-44. Melucci, Alberto (2004): The Process of Collective Identity. In: Hank Johnston/Bert Klandermaus (Hg.) Social Movements and Culture

wrote in the introduction to her own volume on dif- ference, social movements, and theories of social transformation, “I cannot claim to speak for radical movements of Blacks, Latinos, American Indians, poor people, lesbians, old people, or the disabled. But the political commitment to social justice which motivates my philosophical reflection tells me that I also cannot speak without them.” 15 I think of my work in this book, not as speaking 15 | Iris Marion Young, Justice and the Politics of Dif ference (Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1990), 14

-Jacobsen, Mikkel (1992): The Emotional Tie. Psychoanalysis, Mimesis, and Af- fect. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Borch-Jacobsen, Mikkel (1988): The Freudian Subject. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Borch, Christian; Stäheli, Urs (2008): Gabriel Tarde. Frankfurt/M.: Suhrkamp (in Vorb.). Day, Richard J. F. (2004): „From Hegemony to Affinity. The Political Logic of the Newest Social Movements“, Cultural Studies 18(5): 716-748. Derrida, Jacques (2005): On Touching. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Dreyer Hansen, Allan (2007): Sociology Strikes Back: The End of the

the category of class. At most, it was said, movements around race, gender, sexuality, or class can intersect with each other, but cannot easily coalesce into a single movement against the power struc- ture and the capitalist system that, according to Marxists, stands behind it. Thus, the actual intersectionality of these social movements—as opposed to their separateness— was usually seen as rather limited, both as reality and as possibility. Saying otherwise ran the danger of falling into the abyss of reductionism or essentialism.55 Anderson’s critique is a

representatives of business, gov- ernment and the third sector, social movements and the public, but to invite them to participate in research activity as co-producers of knowledge. On the one hand, it is part of a shift in emphasis from the experimental as a knowledge-site to the experimental as a social process. On the other hand, it is also an unequal playing field, in which the nature and characteristics of the social are being redefined (Marres, Guggenheim and Wilkie 2018). At the same time, ‘users’ (that is, most of us who engage with digital media as part of our

included social respect as well as demands for material things like land and housing. They all share the following features: the fight for social and legal equality. Often the voiced aims of the social movements focused on the legal rights that had been denied to the marginalized group so far. However, in all cases, the struggle exceeded the granting of legal rights and demanded further social equality—to take part in the social life of the communities without being shunned or having to fear discrimination and violence. Thus, we can say that the struggle of