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educators who taught me things I don’t even remember, the ac- tivists and social movements around the world who inspire me to do better and work harder. It would have been impossible without the internet radicals who posted memes, pictures, reminders, tweets, and articles that challenged and changed me. It would have been impossible without the innumerable failures, mine and others’, that push me to be more accountable. The resistors, parti- sans, revolutionaries, militants, strikers, and fighters, the mothers, nannies, nurses, sex workers, students, street artists

Intersectionality86 sectionality.”25 For Crenshaw, structural intersectionality refers to the ways in which the structures of race and gender (and, she is very clear, class and sexu- ality, and potentially other factors as well) come together to produce a qualita- tively different modality of oppression than those who face oppression on the basis of only one factor. Political intersectionality refers to the failures of social movements such as the feminist and anti-racist movements, to adequately con- ceptualize the oppressions they fight in terms that are representative of

wrote in the introduction to her own volume on dif- ference, social movements, and theories of social transformation, “I cannot claim to speak for radical movements of Blacks, Latinos, American Indians, poor people, lesbians, old people, or the disabled. But the political commitment to social justice which motivates my philosophical reflection tells me that I also cannot speak without them.” 15 I think of my work in this book, not as speaking 15 | Iris Marion Young, Justice and the Politics of Dif ference (Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1990), 14

-Jacobsen, Mikkel (1992): The Emotional Tie. Psychoanalysis, Mimesis, and Af- fect. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Borch-Jacobsen, Mikkel (1988): The Freudian Subject. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Borch, Christian; Stäheli, Urs (2008): Gabriel Tarde. Frankfurt/M.: Suhrkamp (in Vorb.). Day, Richard J. F. (2004): „From Hegemony to Affinity. The Political Logic of the Newest Social Movements“, Cultural Studies 18(5): 716-748. Derrida, Jacques (2005): On Touching. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Dreyer Hansen, Allan (2007): Sociology Strikes Back: The End of the

the category of class. At most, it was said, movements around race, gender, sexuality, or class can intersect with each other, but cannot easily coalesce into a single movement against the power struc- ture and the capitalist system that, according to Marxists, stands behind it. Thus, the actual intersectionality of these social movements—as opposed to their separateness— was usually seen as rather limited, both as reality and as possibility. Saying otherwise ran the danger of falling into the abyss of reductionism or essentialism.55 Anderson’s critique is a

included social respect as well as demands for material things like land and housing. They all share the following features: the fight for social and legal equality. Often the voiced aims of the social movements focused on the legal rights that had been denied to the marginalized group so far. However, in all cases, the struggle exceeded the granting of legal rights and demanded further social equality—to take part in the social life of the communities without being shunned or having to fear discrimination and violence. Thus, we can say that the struggle of

divisions sown by the ruling class in the interests of perpetuating its rule.48 In order to ground an emancipatory and liberatory politics that can mobilize against the simultaneous homogenization and differentiation central to capi- talism, identity cannot be reduced to a mere instrument of oppression; indeed, some of the most successful social movements have been grounded in the val- orization of oppressed and exploited subject positions. Too often this valoriza- tion is reduced, in Marxist circles, to constituting a dangerous redeployment of capitalism’s own logic