of hunter-gatherer nomads into urban inhabitants, or of agriculturally based
communities to industrialized ones, or of feudal economies into capitalist ones,
required participants’ significant neural plasticity.
Artificial Intelligence and Natural Intelligence
Writ large, this embeddedness means that civilization enables some important
aspects of human biology, just as biology enables some aspects of civilization.
More pointedly, culture is (in part) a biological phenomenon – and biology (in
part), a cultural phenomenon. This claim
been vital features of national politics (Bayart 1984;
Kofele-Kale 1986), the concept of indigenous peoples is much less problematic.
However, the Declaration’s implementation has not been without problems both
in Cameroon and in other parts of the continent.
DIFFERENT TRAJECTORIES OF INDIGENOUS RIGHTS
MOVEMENTS IN AFRICA
To give an idea of the varied experiences and political trajectories of ‘indigenous
peoples’ in Africa, I will outline three case studies: San hunter-gatherers in
Botswana, Maasai pastoralists in Tanzania, and Mbororo pastoralists in
animals are social creatures but because it seems to matter what group of people
and what kind of animal we are dealing with. Since the emergence of cultural
relativism we are used to the idea that humans differ in the way in which they
relate to animals. Early ethnographic reports along these lines found their way into
prominent places in the literature. The way that “Bushmen,” the indigenous
hunter-gatherers of southern Africa that I deal with in this contribution, physically
feel their way into the animals they are hunting was picked up by a
workshops were tried out in a fun way during the festival and carried on artisti-
cally. Among archaic-traditional attributions like fire-shepherd-victim, wood-
hunter-gatherer and earth-farming-life, among other things, the participatory art
actions became events based on the ideas of the previous workshops, and initiative
groups were at least temporarily implemented or recorded. For example, a tempo-
rary new swimming area was revitalized, a first model of the “Museum of Every-
thing” was presented, a second-hand clothing salvage festival was celebrated and
concept of indigeneity as it is defined by the African Commission on
Human and Peoples’ Rights is “too broad to be useful”, at least in the Ethiopian
context; and iii) that the notion of indigeneity and the related political claims are
largely “externally driven” – that is, that the discourse of indigeneity is
“imported” by NGOs and applied to specific hunter/gatherer and/or pastoralist
groups in various African countries, and that these groups are thus
“essentialised” as so-called indigenous peoples.
In order to study the politics of indigeneity in Africa
ecological knowledge can be seen in the way both know-
ledge systems try to reduce complexity and are interested in experimenting.
By this, Berkes - like other scholars, such as Paul Richards (1985) -means being
engaged in processes of trial and error in the field, for example in agriculture,
by trying out different crop varieties, irrigation patterns, etc. Both knowledge
systems deal with practical notions, but the indigenous system focuses cen-
trally on the issue of risk management to secure livelihoods, as some authors
have shown in relation to hunter-gatherer
Sciences 33 (2‑3): 61‑83.
Henry, P. Ivey, Gilda A. Morelli und Edward Z. Tronick 2005: Child Caretakers
among Efe Foragers of the Ituri Forest. In Barry S. Hewlett und Michael E.
Lamb (Hg.), Hunter-Gatherer Childhoods: Evolutionary, Developmental, and Cul-
tural Perspectives. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 191‑213.
Heueck‑Mauß, Doris 2009: Das Trotzkopfalter. Der Ratgeber für Eltern von 2- bis
6-jährigen Kindern. Der richtige Umgang mit kindlichen Emotionen. Das Erzie-
hungs-ABC mit Tipps und Strategien. Hannover: Humbold.
Hewlett, Barry S. 1989: Multiple
In the following, I attempt to summarize the theoretical framework of a volu-
minous book that I have recently written in Japanese (Sugawara 2017a). The pre-
sent article is related to another recent one written in English (Sugawara 2017b)
that focuses on ethnographic observation concerning the interaction between the
G|ui hunter-gatherers and wildlife animals in central Botswana.1 My key term ‘an-
imal borders’ has a double meaning. The first is the boundary between human and
non-human animals. The second meaning of ‘animal borders’ denotes the
from Cahokia’s Southern Neighbor.” In: Southeastern Archaeology
21/2, pp. 136–148.
Kidder, T. R. (2011): “Transforming Hunter-Gatherer History at Poverty Point.” In:
K. E. Sassaman/D. H. Holly (eds.), Hunter-Gatherer Archaeology as Historical
Process, Tucson: The University of Arizona Press.
Kidder, T. R./Arco, L. J./Ortmann, A. L./Schilling, T./Boeke, C./Bielitz, R./Adels-
berger, K. A. (2009): Poverty Point Mound A: Final Report of the 2005 and 2006
Field Seasons, Baton Rouge: Louisiana Division of Archaeology and the Loui-
siana Archaeological Survey and