An observational study is an attempt to make causal inferences in a setting in which it is not feasible to randomly assign treatment to units. A major challenge for making causal inferences from observational study is that, because treatment is not randomized, the treatment and control groups may differ in ways other than the treatment. A “natural experiment” is an attempt to find a setting in the world where a treatment was handed to some people and denied to others for no particularly good reason that is haphazard [1, 2]. Good sources of natural experiments may be abrupt changes in government policies. As an example of a natural experiment from an abrupt change in government policy, we will consider Card’s [3] Mariel Boatlift study.
An important concern for immigration policy-makers is to what extent (if at all) do immigrants depress the labor market opportunities of native workers? A regression of native workers labor market opportunities (e.g., proportion employed or wages) on immigrant density in a city may yield a biased answer because immigrants tend to move to cities where the growth in demand for labor can accommodate their supply. Consequently, natural experiments, in which there are close to exogenous increases in the supply of immigrants to a particular labor market, are valuable for studying the effect of immigrants. Card [3] studied one such natural experiment, the experiences of the Miami labor market in the aftermath of the Mariel Boatlift.
Between April 15 and October 31, 1980, an influx of Cuban immigrants arrived in Miami, FL by boat from Cuba’s Mariel Harbor. Before this event there was a downturn in the Cuban economy which led to internal tensions, and subsequently the Cuban government announced that Cubans who wanted to leave could do so. By the end of the October, about 125,000 Cubans had arrived, at which point the Boatlift was ended by mutual agreement of the Cuban and U.S. governments. About half of the Cubans who arrived settled in Miami, thus significantly increasing the available labor force and number of Cuban workers in Miami.
We now discuss the before-and-after study with unaffected control groups study design for making causal inferences from the Mariel Boatlift study. In a causal inference study, a unit is an opportunity to apply or withhold treatment [4]. For the Mariel Boatlift study, we can think of the units as cities at a particular time, for example, Miami in 1979, Miami in 1982, Atlanta in 1979, Atlanta in 1982, etc. The Mariel Boatlift study can be thought of as a natural experiment that assigned some units to have a high amount of immigrants and some to have a low amount of immigrants, and where the outcomes of interest are labor market outcomes for native workers such as the unemployment rate. One way to study the effect of a high amount of immigrants would be to compare Miami after the Mariel Boatlift, say in 1982, to Miami before the Mariel Boatlift, say in 1979; this would be a before-and-after study. However, this study design may lead to biased results because the effect of the increase in immigration caused by the Mariel Boatlift may be confounded with macroeconomic changes between 1979 and 1982. In the before-and-after study with unaffected control groups, the change in outcomes in the place that got the treatment after a policy change or other event is compared to the change in outcomes in places that did not receive the treatment in either the before or after period, which are the unaffected control groups [2]; this is also sometimes called the difference-in-difference study design. The changes in the unaffected control groups control for changes in time, such as changes in the macroeconomy that would have occurred regardless of the treatment. Card [3] considered as unaffected control groups four other major cities in the United States – Atlanta, Houston, Los Angeles, and Tampa Bay–St. Petersburg. According to Card [3], these four cities did not experience a large increase in immigrants between 1979 and 1982 but were otherwise similar to Miami in demographics and pattern of economic growth. Consider the black unemployment rate as an outcome. The differences of blacks’ unemployment between 1979 and 1982 in Miami and the four unaffected control cities are shown in Figure 1.
The key assumption for the before-and-after study design with unaffected control groups to produce unbiased causal estimates is that the natural changes in the outcome that would have occurred in the group that received the treatment in the after period had that group not received treatment would have been the same as the change in the unaffected control groups [2]. This assumption is well discussed in the literature on treatments delivered to a group or cluster [5–7]. In the context of the Mariel Boatlift study, the key assumption is that the change in control cities like Atlanta or Houston serves as a counterfactual substitute and are exchangeable with the treated city, Miami.
In addition to needing this exchangeability assumption to hold, Figure 1 reveals an additional challenge: there is considerable variability among the changes in control groups, which suggests the possibility that the seemingly significant high difference of blacks’ unemployment rates in Miami may be just the result of random variation. To obtain valid causal inferences, we need to control for the natural variability among groups.
Figure 1 Differences of unemployment rates of blacks of 1979 and 1982 in five cities.
Comments (0)