Jump to ContentJump to Main Navigation
Show Summary Details
More options …

Open Linguistics

Editor-in-Chief: Ehrhart, Sabine

1 Issue per year


Covered by:
Elsevier - SCOPUS
Clarivate Analytics - Emerging Sources Citation Index
ERIH PLUS

Open Access
Online
ISSN
2300-9969
See all formats and pricing
More options …

Te lo tengo dicho muchas veces. Resultatives between coercion, relevance and reanalysis

Ulrich Detges
Published Online: 2018-08-25 | DOI: https://doi.org/10.1515/opli-2018-0014

Abstract

This paper deals with the question of how and why resultative constructions change into anteriors. This discussion will be based on synchronic data concerning tener + past participle, a resultative construction used in modern Spanish. One of the latter's most frequent is te lo tengo dicho 'I have (already) told you'. This is remarkable since decir 'to tell' is a non-transitional verb; te lo tengo dicho thus violates the requirement that resultatives should only combine with transitional verbs. In the literature, such mismatches between the semantics of a given construction and the meaning of its lexical filler have been claimed to normally trigger coercion, i.e. an inferential repair mechanism giving rise to special meaning effects. Thus, coercion - despite being conceived as a purely synchronic mechanism - is a prime candidate for an explanation of the change from resultative to anterior. In line with this hypothesis, occurrences of te lo tengo dicho are attested in my corpus where the latter is specified by quantifying adverbials such as muchas veces 'many times'. However, speaker judgements indiacte that even te lo tengo dicho muchas veces is not an iterative anterior construction, but still a resultative. Based on synchronic data taken from the CREA-corpus, it will be shown that in the vast majority of its occurrences, te lo tengo dicho is part of an dialogal discourse pattern where certain argumentative effects based on its resultative meaning are highly relevant. Crucially, therefore, in such "strong" uses a coercive shift towards an anterior meaning is excluded. On a more abstract level, it will be shown that coercion is controlled by pragmatic factors; in the case of te lo tengo dicho muchas veces, conceptual/semantic plausibility is systematically overridden by pragmatic relevance.

Keywords: coercion; relevance; reanalysis

References

  • Asher, Nicholas (2011): Lexical Meaning in Context. A web of words. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar

  • Carey, Kathleen (1994): “The grammaticalization of the perfect in Old English. An account based on pragmatics and metaphor”, in: William Pagliuca (ed.): Perspectives on grammaticalization. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 103-117.Google Scholar

  • Carey, Kathleen (1995): “Subjectification and the development of the English perfect”, in: Dieter Stein & Susan Wright (eds.): Subjectivity and subjectivisation. Linguistic perspectives. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press: 83-102.Google Scholar

  • Carston, Robyn (2004a): “Explicature and semantics”, in: Davis, S. & B. Gillon (eds.): Semantics. A Reader. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 817-845.Google Scholar

  • Carston, Robyn (2004b): “Relevance theory and the saying/implicating distinction”, in: Horn, L.R. & G. Ward (eds.): Handbook Pragmatics. London: Blackwell, 633-656.Google Scholar

  • Dahl, Östen (2001): “Inflationary effects in language and elsewhere”, in: Joan Bybee & Paul Hopper (eds.): Frequency and the emergence of linguistic structure. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 471-480.Google Scholar

  • Detges, Ulrich & Richard Waltereit (2002): “Grammaticalization vs. reanalysis: A semantic-pragmatic account of functional change in grammar”, in: Zeitschrift für Sprachwissenschaft 21: 151-195.Google Scholar

  • Detges, Ulrich (2000): “Time and truth: the grammaticalization of resultatives and perfects within a theory of subjectification”, in: Studies in Language 24: 345-377.CrossrefGoogle Scholar

  • Detges, Ulrich (2001): Grammatikalisierung. Eine kognitiv-pragmatische Theorie, dargestellt am Beispiel romanischer und anderer Sprachen. Habil.: Tübingen, Ms. <www.academia.edu>.Google Scholar

  • Detges, Ulrich (2006): “Aspect and pragmatics. The passé composé in Old French and the Old Spanish perfecto compuesto”, in: Kerstin Eksell & Thora Vinther (eds.): Change in Verbal Systems. Issues on Explanation. Frankfurt am Main etc.: Lang, 47-72.Google Scholar

  • Detges, Ulrich (in print): “Does reanalysis need ambiguity?”, to appear in: Matthias Bauer & Nicolas Potysch (eds.): Ambiguity. An Interdisciplinary Approach.Google Scholar

  • Escandell-Vidal, Victoria & Manuel Leonetti (2002): “Coercion and the stage/individual distinction”, in: Javier Gutierrez- Rexach (ed.): From Words to Discourse. Trends in Spanish semantics and pragmatics. Oxford, Elsevier: 159-180.Google Scholar

  • Givón, Talmy (1976): “Topic, pronoun and grammatical agreement”, in: Charles N. Li (ed.): Subject and Topic. New York etc.: Academic Press: 149-85.Google Scholar

  • Givón, Talmy (1979): On Understanding Grammar. New York: Academic Press.Google Scholar

  • Harre, Catherine (1991): Tener + past participle. A case study in linguistic description. London & New York: Routledge.Google Scholar

  • Harris, Martin (1982): “The ‘past simple’ and the ‘present perfect’ in Romance”, in: Nigel Vincent & Martin Harris (eds.): Studies in the Romance verb. Essays offered to Joe Cremona on the occasion of his 60th birthday. London & Canberra: Croom Helm: 42-70.Google Scholar

  • Jacob, Daniel (1996): “Von der Subjekt-Relevanz zur Gegenwartsrelevanz: Gebrauch und Entwicklung der Perfektperiphraseaver + Partizip Perfekt Passiv im Altspanischen”, in: Romanistisches Jahrbuch 46, 251-286.Google Scholar

  • Michaelis, Laura (2004): “Type shifting in construction grammar: an integrated approach to aspectual coercion”, in: Cuyckens, Hubert; René Dirven; John R. Taylor & Ronald W. Langacker (eds.): Cognitive Approaches to Lexical Semantics. Berlin & New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 1-67.Google Scholar

  • Nedjalkov, Vladimir P. & Sergej Je. Jaxontov (1988): “The typology of resultative constructions”, in: Vladimir P. Nedjalkov (ed.): Typology of Resultative Constructions. Translated from the original Russian edition (1983). Amsterdam: John Benjamins (= Typological Studies in Language. 12), 3-62.Google Scholar

  • Pustejovsky, James & Elisabetta Jezek (2008): “Semantic coercion in language: beyond distributional analysis”, in: Rivista di Linguistica 20.1, 181-214.Google Scholar

  • Pustejovsky, James (1993): “Type coercion and lexical selection in semantics and the lexicon”, in: Pustejovsky, James (ed.): Semantics and the Lexicon. Dordrecht: Kluwer, 73-94.Google Scholar

  • Pustejovsky, James (2001): “Type construction and the logic of concepts”, in: Bouillon, Pierrette & Frederica Busa (eds.): The Syntax of Word Meaning. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar

  • Rodríguez Molina (2004): “Difusión lexica, cambio semántico y gramaticalización: el caso de haber + participio en español antiguo”, in: Revista de Filología Española LXXXIV, 169-209.Google Scholar

  • Rohlfs, Gerhard (1969): Grammatica Storica della Lingua Italiana e dei suoi Dialetti. Vol. III, Sintassi e formazione delle parole. Torino, Einaudi.Google Scholar

  • Romani, Patrizia (2006): “Tiempos de formación romance”, in: Company Company, Concepción (ed.): Sintaxis histórica de la lengua española. Vol. I: Los tiempos compuestos. Mexico: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 243-348.Google Scholar

  • Rosemeyer, Malte (2012): “How to measure replacement. Auxiliar selection in Old Spanish bibles”, in: Folia Linguistica Historica 33, 135-173.Google Scholar

  • Rosemeyer, Malte (2014): Auxiliary Selection in Spanish: Gradience, Gradualness and Conservation. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.Google Scholar

  • Schwenter, Scott & Rena Torres Cacoullos (2008): “Defaults and indeterminacy in temporal grammaticalization: The ‘perfect’ road to perfective”, in: Language Variation and Change 20, 1-39.Google Scholar

  • Schwenter, Scott (1994): “The grammaticalization of an anterior in progress: Evidence from a peninsular Spanish dialect”, in: Studies in Language 18, 71-111.CrossrefGoogle Scholar

  • Squartini, Mario (1998): Verbal periphrasis in Romance. Aspect, actionality,and grammaticalization. Berlin & New York, Mouton de Gruyter.Google Scholar

  • de Swart, Henriëtte (1998): “Aspect shift and coercion”, in: Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 16, 347-85Google Scholar

  • de Swart, Henriëtte (2000): “Tense, aspect and coercion in a cross-linguistic perspective”, in: Miriam Butt & Tracy Holloway King (eds.): Proceedings of the Berkeley Formal Grammar conference. University of California, Berkeley: CSLI Publications [http://csli-publications.stanford.edu].Google Scholar

  • Sweetser, Eve (1990): From etymology to pragmatics. Metaphorical and cultural aspects of semantic structure. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar

About the article

Received: 2017-11-22

Accepted: 2018-04-27

Published Online: 2018-08-25


Citation Information: Open Linguistics, Volume 4, Issue 1, Pages 260–279, ISSN (Online) 2300-9969, DOI: https://doi.org/10.1515/opli-2018-0014.

Export Citation

© by Ulrich Detges, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 License. BY-NC-ND 4.0

Comments (0)

Please log in or register to comment.
Log in